"Finally, thankfully, the global
warming craze is dying out. To paraphrase Monty Python, the climate
parrot may still be nailed to its perch at the recent Cop summit in
Belem, Brazil – or at Harvard and on CNN – but elsewhere it’s dead. It’s
gone to meet its maker, kicked the bucket, shuffled off this mortal
coil, run down the curtain and joined the choir invisible. By failing to
secure new pledges for a cut in fossil fuels, Cop achieved less than
nothing. The venue caught fire, the air conditioning malfunctioned – and
delegates were told on arrival not to flush toilet paper. Bill Gates’s
recent apologia, in which he conceded that global warming ‘will not lead
to humanity’s demise’ after he closed the policy and advocacy office of
his climate philanthropy group, is just the latest nail in the coffin.
Different themes took turns as the scare du jour: overpopulation, oil spills, acid rain, ozone, sperm counts
In
October, the Net Zero Banking Alliance shut down after JPMorgan Chase,
Citi-group, Bank of America, Morgan Stanley, Wells Fargo and Goldman
Sachs led a stampede of banks out of the door. Shell and BP have
returned to being oil companies, to the delight of their shareholders.
Ford is about to cease production of electric pick-ups that nobody
wants. Hundreds of other companies are dropping their climate targets.
Australia has backed out of hosting next year’s climate conference.
According to an analysis by the Washington Post,
in the US it is not just the Republicans who have given up on climate
change: the Democrat party has stopped talking about it, hardly
mentioning it during Kamala Harris’s campaign for president. The topic
has dropped to the bottom half of a table of 23 concerns among Swedish
youths. Even the European parliament has now voted to exempt many
companies from reporting rules that require them to state how they are
helping to fight climate change.
It has been a long,
lucrative ride. Predicting the eco-apocalypse has always been a
profitable business, spawning subsidies, salaries, consulting fees, air
miles, bestsellers and research grants. Different themes took turns as
the scare du jour: overpopulation, oil spills, pollution,
desertification, mass extinction, acid rain, the ozone layer, nuclear
winter, falling sperm counts. Each faded as the evidence became more
equivocal, the public grew bored or, in some cases, the problem was
resolved by a change in law or practice.
But no scare grew as big or lasted as long as global warming. I first wrote a doom–laden article for the Economist
about carbon dioxide emissions trapping heat in the air in 1987, nearly
40 years ago. I soon realised the effect was real but the alarm was
overdone, that feedback effects were exaggerated in the models. The
greenhouse effect was likely to be a moderate inconvenience rather than
an existential threat. For this blasphemy I was abused, cancelled,
blacklisted, called a ‘denier’ and generally deemed evil. In 2010 in the
pages of the Wall Street Journal I debated Gates,
who poured scorn on my argument that global warming was not likely to
be a catastrophe – so it is welcome to see him come round to my view.
The
activists who took over the climate debate, often with minimal
understanding of climate science, competed for attention by painting
ever more catastrophic pictures of future greenhouse warming. They
altered the name to ‘climate change’ so they could blame it for
blizzards as well as heatwaves. Then they inflated the language to
‘climate emergency’ and ‘climate crisis’, even as projections of future
warming came down.
‘I’m talking about the slaughter, death and
starvation of six billion people this century. That’s what the science
predicts,’ said Roger Hallam, founder of Extinction Rebellion, in 2019,
though the science says no such thing. ‘A top climate scientist is
warning climate change will wipe out humanity unless we stop using
fossil fuels over the next five years,’ tweeted Greta Thunberg in 2018.
Five years later she deleted her tweet and shortly after decided that
Palestine was a more promising way of staying in the limelight.
Scientists
knew that pronouncements like this were nonsense but they turned a
blind eye because the alarm kept the grant money coming. Journalists
always love exaggeration. Capitalists were happy to cash in. Politicians
welcomed the chance to blame others: if a wildfire or a flood
devastates your town, point the finger at the changing climate rather
than your own failure to prepare. Almost nobody had an incentive to
downplay the alarm.
Unlike previous scares, climate fear has the
valuable feature that it can always be presented in the future tense. No
matter how mild the change in the weather proves to be today, you can
always promise Armageddon tomorrow. So it was that for four long
decades, climate change alarm went on a protracted march through the
institutions, capturing newsrooms, classrooms and boardrooms. By 2020 no
meeting, even of a town council or a sports team, was complete without a
hand-wringing discussion of carbon footprints.
The other factor
that kept the climate scare alive was that emissions reduction proved
impossibly difficult. This was a feature, not a bug: if it had been
easy, the green gravy train would have ground to a halt. Reducing
sulphur emissions to stop acid rain proved fairly easy, as did banning
chlorofluorocarbons to protect the ozone layer. But decade after decade,
carbon dioxide emissions just kept on rising no matter how much money
and research was thrown at the problem. Cheers!
Activists altered the name to ‘climate change’ so they could blame it for blizzards as well as heatwaves
Switching
to renewable energy made no difference – literally. Here’s the data:
the world added 9,000 terawatt-hours of energy consumption from wind and
solar in the past decade, but 13,000 from fossil fuels. Not that wind
and solar save much carbon dioxide anyway, their machinery being made
with coal and their intermittency being backed up by fossil fuels.
Despite
trillions of dollars in subsidies, these two ‘unreliables’ still
provide just 6 per cent of the world’s energy. Their low-density,
high-cost, intermittent power output is of no use to data centres or
electric grids, let alone transport and heating, and effectively poisons
the economics of building and running new nuclear and gas generation by
preventing continuous operation. Quite why it became mandatory among
those concerned about climate change to support these unreliables so
obsessively is hard to fathom. Subsidy–addiction has a lot to do with
it, combined with a general ignorance of thermodynamics.
Now the
climate scare is fading, a scramble for the exits is beginning among the
big environmental groups. Donations are drying up. Some will switch
seamlessly to trying to panic us about artificial intelligence; others
will follow Gates and insist that they never said it was the end of the
world, just a problem to be solved; a few will even try declaring
victory, claiming unconvincingly that promises made at the Paris
conference a decade ago have slowed down emissions enough to save the
climate.
Of course, Al Gore, the former US vice–president who did
more than anybody else to alarm the world about climate change and made a
$300 million fortune from it, has been at the recent conference in the
Brazilian jungle – the one where they felled a forest to build the
access road. As he railed against Gates last month for abandoning the
cause and accused him of being bullied by Donald Trump, he sounded like
one of those Japanese soldiers emerging from the jungle who did not know
the second world war was over.
Perhaps Gore might now regret his exaggerated preachings of hellfire and damnation. In his 2006 film An Inconvenient Truth,
for which he shared a Nobel prize, he predicted a sea-level rise of up
to 20 feet ‘in the near future’ – out by around 19 feet and nine inches.
In 2009 he said there was a 75 per cent chance all the ice in the
Arctic Ocean would disappear by 2014. In that year there were five
million square kilometres of the stuff at its lowest point – about the
same as in 2009. This year there were 4.7 million square kilometres. At
the film’s showing at the Sundance Festival, Gore said that unless
drastic measures to reduce greenhouse gases were taken within ten years,
the world would reach a point of no return. Yet here we are 19 years
later.
Gore is correct that fear of retribution from the
Trump administration drives some of the corporate retreats. President
Trump has already cancelled $300 billion of green infrastructure funding
and purged government websites of climate rhetoric. But even if the
Republicans lose the White House in 2028, it will be hard to reflate the
climate balloon. The proportion of Americans greatly worried about
climate change is dropping. If Trump takes America out of the 1992
treaty that set up the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change it would require an unlikely two-thirds vote of the Senate to
rejoin.
Bjorn Lomborg, the Danish economist who is president of
the Copenhagen Consensus and has fought a lonely battle against climate
exaggeration for decades, recently explained the shift in public
opinion: ‘The shrillness of climate doom also wears down voters. While
climate change is a real and man-made problem, constant end-of-the-world
proclamations from media and campaigners massively overstate the
situation.’
A key figure in the collapse of the climatocracy is
Chris Wright, the pioneer of extracting shale gas by hydraulic
fracturing who was appointed by Trump as energy secretary this year.
Wright commissioned a review of climate science by five distinguished
academics that set out just how non-frightening the facts of climate
change are: slowly rising temperatures, mainly at night in winter and in
the north, correspondingly less in daytime in summer and in the tropics
where most people live, accompanied by a very slow rise in sea level
showing no definite acceleration, minimal if any measurable change in
the average frequency and ferocity of storms, droughts and floods – and
record low levels of deaths from such causes. Plus a general increase in
green vegetation, caused by the extra carbon dioxide.
The climatastrophe has diverted attention from real environmental problems – and cost a fortune
Indoor
air pollution caused by poor people cooking over wood fires because
they lack access to gas and electricity kills three million a year. So
yes, Gates, influenced by Lomborg and Wright, is correct to say that
getting cheap, reliable, clean energy to the poor is by far the more
urgent priority.
Sources tell me that Wright is treated like a
rock star at international conferences: his fellow ministers, especially
those from Africa and Asia, are thrilled to talk about the need to get
energy to people instead of being hectored about emissions. Only a few
western European ministers sneer, but even some of them (the British
being an exception) quietly admit that they need to find a way to climb
down off their green high horses.
Fortunately, they now have
convenient cover for doing so: artificial intelligence. We would love to
go on subsidising wind and solar, say the Germans privately, but if we
are to have data centres, we need lots more reliable and affordable
power, so we will build gas turbines and maybe even some nuclear.
Likewise,
throughout the tech world of the American west coast, emoting about
climate suddenly seems like a luxury belief compared with the need to
sign contracts with power suppliers mostly burning natural gas – or get
left behind in the AI race. The world’s gas glut is impossible to
overstate: thanks to fracking, we have centuries’ worth of cheap gas.
The tech bros are piling into nuclear, too, but that won’t address the
needs for extra power until well into the next decade, and the need is
now.
The climatastrophe has been a terrible mistake. It diverted
attention from real environmental problems, cost a fortune, impoverished
consumers, perpetuated indoor pollution and poverty, frightened young
people into infertility, wasted years of our time, undermined democracy
and corrupted science. Time to bury the parrot."