Showing posts with label RAC. Show all posts
Showing posts with label RAC. Show all posts

Monday, November 27, 2023

The US College Campus as a Long-term Strategic Threat to Israel, the US and Global Stability

By David Bernstein. David Bernstein is the founder of the Jewish Institute for Liberal Values (JILV.org) and author of Woke Antisemitism: How a Progressive Ideology Harms Jews.

"By now it’s clear to anyone paying attention that many American college campuses have since October 7 become hotbeds of anti-Zionism and antisemitic fervor. One Jewish professor at a small liberal arts college in the Pacific Northwest, an institution you’re not hearing about in the news, recently told me that “From the River to the Sea” is among the mildest chants he hears in the raucous daily campus protests beneath his office window. That same professor has been subject to ongoing, fierce harassment from radical students for expressing moderate pro-Israel positions on social media. Jewish students on his campus have faced death threats and intimidation. Some have been escorted to class by campus security to avoid angry mobs. And we are seeing similar anti-Israel activity on numerous other campuses across the country. 

My intention in this article is not to recount the horrors of the current moment, but to examine the roots of the problem and to offer a series of recommended long-term interventions. I say long-term because much of the discussion in the mainstream Jewish community revolves around short-term actions that may temporarily ameliorate the mayhem but fail to address root causes and stem the tide of hate and erosion of support for Israel. The problem on campus has been a long time in the making and it will take a long time in the unmaking.

As challenging as it will be to affect such a shift, the stakes couldn’t be higher. If future generations of young elites continue to be educated into hostility toward Israel, we should expect to see a decline in US-Israel ties with increasing pressure to end the special relationship. And if they continue to be educated into antipathy toward what America stands for and its role in the world, we can expect an America that will withdraw from the global scene, eschew the use of power, and abandon the field to hostile powers such Iran, Russia and China. It’s hard to imagine that seemingly absurd ideological trends in the humanities departments at American universities could wreak such havoc. But quackery in American universities is a long-term threat to global stability.

The Roots of Campus Hate

Three trends converge in the emergence of today’s campus hate. The first factor is the Soviet anti-Zionist campaign of the late 1960s. Wilson Center scholar Izabella Tabarovsky describes the development of a field called “Zionology” in the late 1960s in the USSR that actively discredited Zionism. In the wake of the 1967 Six Day War, the Soviets were distressed that Israel had handily defeated their Arab allies, and that Soviet Jews, inspired by Israel’s victory, increasingly identified with the Jewish state. In 1969, a party official, Yuri Ivanov, wrote “Beware: Zionism!,” which sold upwards of 800,000 copies in the USSR alone. Tabarovsky explains that the Zionologists’ “most important contribution to global anti-Jewish discourse was to make antisemitic conspiracy theories, typically associated with the far right, not only palatable to the Western hard left but politically useful to it.” In other words, the Soviets successfully created the template for the anti-Zionist campaign we are seeing on American campuses today.

The second factor is the emergence of postmodern and postcolonial studies in American universities. Postmodernism holds that all of what we consider “knowledge” and attribute to science and free discourse is really the outgrowth of powerful interests encoding their preferred understanding of the world in social discourses so that they can continue to rule over the masses. 

In the late 1960s, at the same time the Soviets were delegitimizing Zionism, postmodern scholars with an activist agenda forced their way into higher education and established ethnic studies and other “Studies” departments across the country, which did not adhere to usual standards of scholarly inquiry. Over time a more activist and less scholarly brand of postmodern scholarship emerged and became the basis of today’s radical leftist discourse, which gained further momentum through the writings of the Palestinian-American literary critic Edward Said, the founder of postcolonial thought. Said discredited the Western study of the Middle East and influenced scholars to see Zionism as a colonialist project. These popular academic theories today see the world through a stark oppressed/oppressor binary, and are predisposed to keeping alive anti-Zionism and other such canards about white, Jewish, and colonial power.

The third factor is the role of Middle Eastern money. In 2019, the Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) first presented research findings to the Department of Justice entitled “Follow the Money.” The research examines illicit funding of United States universities by foreign governments, foundations and corporations. The research revealed billions in Middle Eastern funding, primarily from Qatar, to US universities that had not been reported to the Department of Education. Such funding has had a substantial impact on fueling antisemitic discourse, identity politics and anti-democratic sentiment within these institutions of higher education. 

In other words, the ideological trends described above have been fomented by Qatari financing of American universities. A report issued by the National Association of Scholars, “Hijacked,” describes the problem: “The same leftist hysteria which has consumed the humanities and social sciences since the 1960s has spread to MESCs (Middle East Studies Centers)…Academics have repurposed critical theory to galvanize activism on Middle East issues. For instance, they have recast the Israel–Palestine debate as a fight for “indigenous rights” against the supposed evils of colonialism.”

Formulating a Long-term Strategy

There is an abundance of short-term responses currently under consideration. Among them are some which might reduce tensions including: exhorting university presidents to actively oppose radical voices and to discipline perpetrators who intimidate or accost Jewish students; enforcing Title VI anti-harassment laws against those who generate a hostile environment; banning Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapters that cross the line and bully Jewish students. These interventions can help, but none will likely permanently lower the level of animosity from students and professors. Some interventions, like trying to accommodate Jewish concerns in existing campus Diversity, Equity and Inclusion (DEI) efforts, may be downright counterproductive and merely reinforce the ill-bred ideological conditions that fomented the hostile sentiment in the first place. 

Supporters of Israel and Jewish security in America and, indeed, all those concerned about the health of American democracy, need to mount a sustained effort to change the campus culture. Here’s what this involves:

  1. End or Transform DEI

Campus DEI bureaucracies function as an ideological authority, reinforcing political orthodoxies on campus. The National Association of Diversity Officers in Higher Education describes itself as “a leading voice in the fight for social justice” by “creating a framework for diversity officers to advance anti-racism strategies, particularly anti-Black racism, at their respective institutions of higher education.” Sprawling bureaucracies in major universities now typically have 45 paid staff members who reinforce the overall illiberal ideological environment. A 2021 study conducted by Jay Greene at the Heritage Foundation reviewed the social media output of campus DEI officers and found that a high percentage had hostile views toward Israel. One can only imagine what such a study would show today.

Bari Weiss, among others, argues that “it is time to end DEI for good.” “The answer,” she states, “is not for the Jewish community to plead its cause before the intersectional coalition, or beg for a higher ranking in the new ladder of victimhood. That is a losing strategy—not just for Jewish dignity, but for the values we hold as Jews and as Americans.” Another approach proposed by interfaith leader Eboo Patel is to replace DEI with a less ideological form of diversity built on the traditional American model of pluralism. Either way, as long as the current model of DEI reigns supreme, many universities will be hostile places for Jews and Israel.

  1. Recommit to the Liberal University

As stated above, university humanities departments have become riven with ideological academic programs that perpetuate notions of power and oppression that cast Jews and Israel as oppressors. It will not be easy to totally unseat these departments but over time we can weaken their influence. Major Jewish donors have begun to withdraw their philanthropy from elite universities often run by weak-kneed presidents, such as those at Harvard and University of Pennsylvania. One of the most important things these donors can do is to reinvest their philanthropy in new academic programs that specifically and explicitly elevate free inquiry and freedom of expression. Yale Law School, for example, recently established a new free speech and academic freedom center. Such centers can begin to compete with the politicized “Studies” programs and attract superior faculty and student talent. 

Indeed, there seems to be a strong correlation between campuses that stifle free inquiry and promote anti-Israel climates. The free speech organization FIRE, which conducts an annual College Free Speech Rankings, ranked Harvard and University of Pennsylvania, respectively, last and second to last. Not coincidentally, these schools are among the most hostile environments for Jewish students who support Israel. Restoring freedom of inquiry in college campuses is a long-term, generational challenge, and a necessary condition for improving attitudes toward Jews and Israel. 

  1. Cut Middle Eastern Sources of Funding

There is no reason that the US must continue to allow foreign funding of American university programs. In the aftermath of October 7, efforts to expose Qatari funding of American university programs have picked up steam. Hearings have been held on Capitol Hill detailing the failure of universities to disclose sources of funding. Now is the time to redouble such efforts. We should not forget that Saudi Arabia was once the major funder of such anti-American academic programs but, under the scrutiny in the post-911 atmosphere, largely pulled back. Qatar filled the vacuum. Like Saudi Arabia before it, Qatar has much at stake in its relationship with the US. Last year, the US designated Qatar a major non-Nato ally, undoubtedly owing in large part to the role the Gulf state played as an intermediary with Iran. Until recently, however, the Biden Administration has shielded Qatar from scrutiny over its funding of universities. Turning up the heat on the Biden Administration to hold Qatar accountable will be critical.

Such a long-term, strategic approach to changing university cultures will not be easy. But unless we are successful in affecting such a change, the environment toward Jews and Israel will only worsen."

Wednesday, July 12, 2023

The Trouble With Reparations for Redlining

Most people who lived in areas where the FHA refused to insure mortgages were white

By Jason L. Riley. Excerpts:

"Proponents of reparations cite past housing discrimination as a primary driver of today’s racial wealth gap. The National Housing Act of 1934 established the Federal Housing Administration to “facilitate sound home financing on reasonable terms.” Prior to the 1930s, people usually paid cash for homes. When homes were financed, down payments of at least 30% were often required, which few could afford. The new law was intended to guarantee private mortgages and make them more widely accessible.

The effort was remarkably successful, and the effects were almost immediate. “Builders went back to work, and housing starts and sales began to accelerate rapidly in 1936,” wrote historian Kenneth Jackson in a definitive study, “Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States.” There were 93,000 housing starts in 1933. By 1941 the figure had risen 566%, to 619,000. “By the end of 1972, FHA had helped nearly eleven million families to own houses and another twenty-two million families to improve their properties,” wrote Mr. Jackson. “And in those same years between 1934 and 1972, the percentage of American families living in owner-occupied dwellings rose from 44 percent to 63 percent.”

Officially, the FHA legislation had no discriminatory intent. Nevertheless, the new programs were implemented in ways that led to dramatic racial disparities. In determining which residences to insure, the agency instructed underwriters to consider, among other things, a community’s “economic stability” and its “protection from adverse influences.” This resulted in a practice known as “redlining,” in which banks declared entire neighborhoods ineligible for FHA loans. The upshot, Mr. Jackson pointed out, is that FHA helped to turn the building industry “against the minority and inner-city housing market” and to promote “the income and racial segregation of suburbia.”

Given this history, it’s easy to understand why proponents of reparations are quick to cite redlining as a justification. California’s task force noted the state’s “willing complicity in federal redlining policies” as a “clear case of state-sanctioned housing discrimination.” Sponsors of the New York legislation cited the state’s “history of segregation, housing discrimination and redlining.” Ta-Nehisi Coates’s 2014 article in the Atlantic magazine, which reignited this debate, is titled “The Case for Reparations.” That case is largely based on housing discrimination in the Jim Crow era. “Redlining went beyond FHA-backed loans and spread to the entire mortgage industry,” he wrote, “which was already rife with racism, excluding black people from most legitimate means of obtaining a mortgage.”

Nevertheless, the argument that discriminatory housing policies kept blacks from acquiring more wealth and entitle them to reparations isn’t a particularly strong one. Mr. Coates asserts that government’s housing policies “engineered the wealth gap” that exists today. The historical reality is that notwithstanding the difficulties blacks faced in obtaining mortgages in the postwar period, homeownership among blacks was rising faster than it was among whites. Research by economists William J. Collins and Robert A. Margo shows that between 1940 and 1980, homeownership rates climbed by 37 percentage points for blacks and by 34 points for whites. If homeownership builds wealth, this was a period of extraordinary gains for blacks.

But there is a more fundamental problem with linking reparations to past redlining policies. While a higher percentage of the black population lived in redlined areas, most residents of neighborhoods where the FHA refused to insure mortgages weren’t black, according to a 2021 National Bureau of Economic Research study by Price V. Fishback, Jessica LaVoice, Allison Shertzer and Randall Walsh. “In our sample, over 95 percent of black homeowners lived in the lowest-rated ‘D’ zones,” they found. “Yet, the vast majority (92 percent) of the total redlined home-owning population was white.” If being a victim of redlining is a qualification for reparations, what is the argument for excluding whites?"

Bidenomics in One Lesson

The Bureau of Labor Statistics says real average hourly earnings have fallen 3.16% during the Biden Presidency

WSJ editorial. Excerpts:

"in Chicago on Wednesday Mr. Biden touted all the new construction going on from the spending that Democrats passed in the last Congress. And there’s no denying that when you spend literally hundreds of billions of dollars to subsidize certain industries, you can get new plants."

"In 1982-84 dollars, which takes account of inflation, average hourly earnings were $11.39 when Mr. Biden took office but started to decline immediately and didn’t stop falling until inflation peaked in June 2022. They have bounced up a little but were still back only to $11.03 in May. That’s a 3.16% decline in real earnings for the average worker across the 29 months of the Biden Presidency."