Showing posts with label Media Bias. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Media Bias. Show all posts

Sunday, February 22, 2026

Don’t Mourn the Washington Post’s Decline

Information is richer and more accessible than ever

Letter to The WSJ.

"I have a lot of respect for Peggy Noonan, and I share her view expressed in “A Lament for the Washington Post” (Declarations, Feb. 7) that a robust, inquisitive press is an essential part of a functioning democracy. But I don’t see the end of the Washington Post (if that’s what happens) as much of a loss.

The journalism practiced by the Post in recent years has mainly been of the sort lately taught in journalism schools. Woke, ideological, biased—a loyal ally of the Democratic party. It told us Russia-gate was real, ignored Joe Biden’s decline, hewed unquestioningly to the establishment line on Covid, and reportedly had at least a dozen reporters covering climate change, all reporting the same deeply flawed story as “settled science.” The death of that sort of journalism is something to celebrate, not mourn.

The information ecosystem is vastly richer and more accessible than ever. There is plenty of misinformation on social media. But it also conveys facts, often supported by real-time video, and instantaneous access to underlying truth. You can read the report, watch the congressional hearing, listen to the cockpit voice recording. It’s all there, in real time. This is the way to hold government accountable.

Ms. Noonan is right to call out the media executives leading Big News for their failure to adjust to the technological realities of the 21st century. But most of them fail because they are incumbents, not new entrants, managers, not entrepreneurs. They lack the vision to imagine a path forward and the incentive to change.

Journalism, like any other craft, is constantly evolving. In every era it has had strengths and weaknesses, virtues and faults. The reality is that every human being sees the world through his own unique lens. Better to live in a world where freedom of expression is ubiquitous than one where the “truth” is told to us by a few ennobled journalists.

Jeff Eisenach

Nonresident senior fellow

American Enterprise Institute

Monday, December 23, 2024

New York Times readers finally learn that Biden policies spurred a wave of illegal immigration

See All the News That’s Suddenly Fit to Print After the Election by Jason L. Riley. Excerpt:

"Take last week’s front-page story in the New York Times highlighting the extraordinary levels of illegal immigration over the past four years. Under a headline “Recent Stream of Immigrants Is Largest Ever,” we are made aware that the pace of arrivals exceeds “any other period on record, including the peak years of Ellis Island traffic, when millions of Europeans came to the United States.” We’re told that around “60 percent of immigrants who have entered the country since 2021 have done so without legal authorization.” And we’re informed that while unrest in Haiti, Venezuela, Ukraine and other places has contributed to the migrant inflow, “the Biden administration’s policy appears to have been the biggest factor.”

There was nothing wrong with the story’s content, but the postelection timing makes you wonder. Five weeks after an election in which illegal immigration was foremost on the minds of many voters, the Times now allows that the current administration’s lax border-security policies, not turmoil abroad, were the main driver of the worst migrant crisis in U.S. history. It’s a story that might have been written dozens of times over the past year but wasn’t because doing so would have helped Mr. Trump advance his signature issue and harmed his political opponents. This is what happens when the press is more interested in shaping public opinion than in reporting the facts. It happens a lot these days."

Friday, November 8, 2024

NPR reporter does not acknowledge that government interventions come with trade-offs

See Workers Lose by Don Boudreaux.

"This morning I listened on NPR to an economically naive report titled “Workers scored wins in the election — including in business-friendly red states.” Even before the NPR host turned the spot over to the reporter, I knew that a more accurate title for the report would be “Workers suffer losses in the election — including in business-friendly red states.”

I knew this because I was certain that the report is about hikes in minimum wages, as well as about mandated leave and other labor-market interventions. And, of course, that’s exactly what the report is about.

Not once – listen for yourself- does the reporter as much as acknowledge that these interventions come with trade-offs. There’s no recognition that forcing employers to pay higher wages might reduce the quantity of labor those employers employ. There’s no recognition that forcing employers to offer paid leave to workers will cause declines in wages or other fringe benefits.

No. The unthinking presumption is that employers will respond to these interventions simply by transferring more of their wealth to their employees.

I’m simultaneously amused and saddened that so many people go through life with such a bizarre understanding of economic reality."

Wednesday, April 10, 2024

I’ve Been at NPR for 25 Years. Here’s How We Lost America’s Trust.

By Uri Berliner

"You know the stereotype of the NPR listener: an EV-driving, Wordle-playing, tote bag–carrying coastal elite. It doesn’t precisely describe me, but it’s not far off. I’m Sarah Lawrence–educated, was raised by a lesbian peace activist mother, I drive a Subaru, and Spotify says my listening habits are most similar to people in Berkeley.

 

I fit the NPR mold. I’ll cop to that.

 

So when I got a job here 25 years ago, I never looked back. As a senior editor on the business desk where news is always breaking, we’ve covered upheavals in the workplace, supermarket prices, social media, and AI.

 

It’s true NPR has always had a liberal bent, but during most of my tenure here, an open-minded, curious culture prevailed. We were nerdy, but not knee-jerk, activist, or scolding.

 

In recent years, however, that has changed. Today, those who listen to NPR or read its coverage online find something different: the distilled worldview of a very small segment of the U.S. population.

 

If you are conservative, you will read this and say, duh, it’s always been this way.

 

But it hasn’t.

 

For decades, since its founding in 1970, a wide swath of America tuned in to NPR for reliable journalism and gorgeous audio pieces with birds singing in the Amazon. Millions came to us for conversations that exposed us to voices around the country and the world radically different from our own—engaging precisely because they were unguarded and unpredictable. No image generated more pride within NPR than the farmer listening to Morning Edition from his or her tractor at sunrise.

 

Back in 2011, although NPR’s audience tilted a bit to the left, it still bore a resemblance to America at large. Twenty-six percent of listeners described themselves as conservative, 23 percent as middle of the road, and 37 percent as liberal.

 

By 2023, the picture was completely different: only 11 percent described themselves as very or somewhat conservative, 21 percent as middle of the road, and 67 percent of listeners said they were very or somewhat liberal. We weren’t just losing conservatives; we were also losing moderates and traditional liberals.

 

An open-minded spirit no longer exists within NPR, and now, predictably, we don’t have an audience that reflects America.

 

That wouldn’t be a problem for an openly polemical news outlet serving a niche audience. But for NPR, which purports to consider all things, it’s devastating both for its journalism and its business model.

 

 

Like many unfortunate things, the rise of advocacy took off with Donald Trump. As in many newsrooms, his election in 2016 was greeted at NPR with a mixture of disbelief, anger, and despair. (Just to note, I eagerly voted against Trump twice but felt we were obliged to cover him fairly.) But what began as tough, straightforward coverage of a belligerent, truth-impaired president veered toward efforts to damage or topple Trump’s presidency.

 

Persistent rumors that the Trump campaign colluded with Russia over the election became the catnip that drove reporting. At NPR, we hitched our wagon to Trump’s most visible antagonist, Representative Adam Schiff.

 

Schiff, who was the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, became NPR’s guiding hand, its ever-present muse. By my count, NPR hosts interviewed Schiff 25 times about Trump and Russia. During many of those conversations, Schiff alluded to purported evidence of collusion. The Schiff talking points became the drumbeat of NPR news reports.

 

But when the Mueller report found no credible evidence of collusion, NPR’s coverage was notably sparse. Russiagate quietly faded from our programming.

 

It is one thing to swing and miss on a major story. Unfortunately, it happens. You follow the wrong leads, you get misled by sources you trusted, you’re emotionally invested in a narrative, and bits of circumstantial evidence never add up. It’s bad to blow a big story.

 

What’s worse is to pretend it never happened, to move on with no mea culpas, no self-reflection. Especially when you expect high standards of transparency from public figures and institutions, but don’t practice those standards yourself. That’s what shatters trust and engenders cynicism about the media.

 

Russiagate was not NPR’s only miscue.

 

In October 2020, the New York Post published the explosive report about the laptop Hunter Biden abandoned at a Delaware computer shop containing emails about his sordid business dealings. With the election only weeks away, NPR turned a blind eye. Here’s how NPR’s managing editor for news at the time explained the thinking: “We don’t want to waste our time on stories that are not really stories, and we don’t want to waste the listeners’ and readers’ time on stories that are just pure distractions.”

 

But it wasn’t a pure distraction, or a product of Russian disinformation, as dozens of former and current intelligence officials suggested. The laptop did belong to Hunter Biden. Its contents revealed his connection to the corrupt world of multimillion-dollar influence peddling and its possible implications for his father.

 

The laptop was newsworthy. But the timeless journalistic instinct of following a hot story lead was being squelched. During a meeting with colleagues, I listened as one of NPR’s best and most fair-minded journalists said it was good we weren’t following the laptop story because it could help Trump.

 

When the essential facts of the Post’s reporting were confirmed and the emails verified independently about a year and a half later, we could have fessed up to our misjudgment. But, like Russia collusion, we didn’t make the hard choice of transparency.

 

Politics also intruded into NPR’s Covid coverage, most notably in reporting on the origin of the pandemic. One of the most dismal aspects of Covid journalism is how quickly it defaulted to ideological story lines. For example, there was Team Natural Origin—supporting the hypothesis that the virus came from a wild animal market in Wuhan, China. And on the other side, Team Lab Leak, leaning into the idea that the virus escaped from a Wuhan lab.

 

The lab leak theory came in for rough treatment almost immediately, dismissed as racist or a right-wing conspiracy theory. Anthony Fauci and former NIH head Francis Collins, representing the public health establishment, were its most notable critics. And that was enough for NPR. We became fervent members of Team Natural Origin, even declaring that the lab leak had been debunked by scientists.

 

But that wasn’t the case.

 

When word first broke of a mysterious virus in Wuhan, a number of leading virologists immediately suspected it could have leaked from a lab there conducting experiments on bat coronaviruses. This was in January 2020, during calmer moments before a global pandemic had been declared, and before fear spread and politics intruded.

 

Reporting on a possible lab leak soon became radioactive. Fauci and Collins apparently encouraged the March publication of an influential scientific paper known as “The Proximal Origin of SARS-CoV-2.” Its authors wrote they didn’t believe “any type of laboratory-based scenario is plausible.”

 

But the lab leak hypothesis wouldn’t die. And understandably so. In private, even some of the scientists who penned the article dismissing it sounded a different tune. One of the authors, Andrew Rambaut, an evolutionary biologist from Edinburgh University, wrote to his colleagues, “I literally swivel day by day thinking it is a lab escape or natural.”

 

Over the course of the pandemic, a number of investigative journalists made compelling, if not conclusive, cases for the lab leak. But at NPR, we weren’t about to swivel or even tiptoe away from the insistence with which we backed the natural origin story. We didn’t budge when the Energy Department—the federal agency with the most expertise about laboratories and biological research—concluded, albeit with low confidence, that a lab leak was the most likely explanation for the emergence of the virus.

 

Instead, we introduced our coverage of that development on February 28, 2023, by asserting confidently that “the scientific evidence overwhelmingly points to a natural origin for the virus.”

 

When a colleague on our science desk was asked why they were so dismissive of the lab leak theory, the response was odd. The colleague compared it to the Bush administration’s unfounded argument that Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction, apparently meaning we won’t get fooled again. But these two events were not even remotely related. Again, politics were blotting out the curiosity and independence that ought to have been driving our work.

 

NPR editor Uri Berliner tells how the network lost America's trust in The Free Press

Uri Berliner near his home in Washington, D.C., on April 5, 2024. (Photo by Pete Kiehart for The Free Press)

I’m offering three examples of widely followed stories where I believe we faltered. Our coverage is out there in the public domain. Anyone can read or listen for themselves and make their own judgment. But to truly understand how independent journalism suffered at NPR, you need to step inside the organization.

 

You need to start with former CEO John Lansing. Lansing came to NPR in 2019 from the federally funded agency that oversees Voice of America. Like others who have served in the top job at NPR, he was hired primarily to raise money and to ensure good working relations with hundreds of member stations that acquire NPR’s programming.

 

After working mostly behind the scenes, Lansing became a more visible and forceful figure after the killing of George Floyd in May 2020. It was an anguished time in the newsroom, personally and professionally so for NPR staffers. Floyd’s murder, captured on video, changed both the conversation and the daily operations at NPR.

 

Given the circumstances of Floyd’s death, it would have been an ideal moment to tackle a difficult question: Is America, as progressive activists claim, beset by systemic racism in the 2020s—in law enforcement, education, housing, and elsewhere? We happen to have a very powerful tool for answering such questions: journalism. Journalism that lets evidence lead the way.

 

But the message from the top was very different. America’s infestation with systemic racism was declared loud and clear: it was a given. Our mission was to change it.

 

“When it comes to identifying and ending systemic racism,” Lansing wrote in a companywide article, “we can be agents of change. Listening and deep reflection are necessary but not enough. They must be followed by constructive and meaningful steps forward. I will hold myself accountable for this.”

 

And we were told that NPR itself was part of the problem. In confessional language he said the leaders of public media, “starting with me—must be aware of how we ourselves have benefited from white privilege in our careers. We must understand the unconscious bias we bring to our work and interactions. And we must commit ourselves—body and soul—to profound changes in ourselves and our institutions.”

 

He declared that diversity—on our staff and in our audience—was the overriding mission, the “North Star” of the organization. Phrases like “that’s part of the North Star” became part of meetings and more casual conversation.

 

Race and identity became paramount in nearly every aspect of the workplace. Journalists were required to ask everyone we interviewed their race, gender, and ethnicity (among other questions), and had to enter it in a centralized tracking system. We were given unconscious bias training sessions. A growing DEI staff offered regular meetings imploring us to “start talking about race.” Monthly dialogues were offered for “women of color” and “men of color.” Nonbinary people of color were included, too.

 

These initiatives, bolstered by a $1 million grant from the NPR Foundation, came from management, from the top down. Crucially, they were in sync culturally with what was happening at the grassroots—among producers, reporters, and other staffers. Most visible was a burgeoning number of employee resource (or affinity) groups based on identity.

 

They included MGIPOC (Marginalized Genders and Intersex People of Color mentorship program); Mi Gente (Latinx employees at NPR); NPR Noir (black employees at NPR); Southwest Asians and North Africans at NPR; Ummah (for Muslim-identifying employees); Women, Gender-Expansive, and Transgender People in Technology Throughout Public Media; Khevre (Jewish heritage and culture at NPR); and NPR Pride (LGBTQIA employees at NPR).

 

All this reflected a broader movement in the culture of people clustering together based on ideology or a characteristic of birth. If, as NPR’s internal website suggested, the groups were simply a “great way to meet like-minded colleagues” and “help new employees feel included,” it would have been one thing.

 

But the role and standing of affinity groups, including those outside NPR, were more than that. They became a priority for NPR’s union, SAG-AFTRA—an item in collective bargaining. The current contract, in a section on DEI, requires NPR management to “keep up to date with current language and style guidance from journalism affinity groups” and to inform employees if language differs from the diktats of those groups. In such a case, the dispute could go before the DEI Accountability Committee.

 

In essence, this means the NPR union, of which I am a dues-paying member, has ensured that advocacy groups are given a seat at the table in determining the terms and vocabulary of our news coverage.

 

Conflicts between workers and bosses, between labor and management, are common in workplaces. NPR has had its share. But what’s notable is the extent to which people at every level of NPR have comfortably coalesced around the progressive worldview.

 

And this, I believe, is the most damaging development at NPR: the absence of viewpoint diversity.

 

 

There’s an unspoken consensus about the stories we should pursue and how they should be framed. It’s frictionless—one story after another about instances of supposed racism, transphobia, signs of the climate apocalypse, Israel doing something bad, and the dire threat of Republican policies. It’s almost like an assembly line.

 

The mindset prevails in choices about language. In a document called NPR Transgender Coverage Guidance—disseminated by news management—we’re asked to avoid the term biological sex. (The editorial guidance was prepared with the help of a former staffer of the National Center for Transgender Equality.) The mindset animates bizarre stories—on how The Beatles and bird names are racially problematic, and others that are alarmingly divisive; justifying looting, with claims that fears about crime are racist; and suggesting that Asian Americans who oppose affirmative action have been manipulated by white conservatives.

 

More recently, we have approached the Israel-Hamas war and its spillover onto streets and campuses through the “intersectional” lens that has jumped from the faculty lounge to newsrooms. Oppressor versus oppressed. That’s meant highlighting the suffering of Palestinians at almost every turn while downplaying the atrocities of October 7, overlooking how Hamas intentionally puts Palestinian civilians in peril, and giving little weight to the explosion of antisemitic hate around the world.

 

For nearly all my career, working at NPR has been a source of great pride. It’s a privilege to work in the newsroom at a crown jewel of American journalism. My colleagues are congenial and hardworking.

 

I can’t count the number of times I would meet someone, describe what I do, and they’d say, “I love NPR!”

 

And they wouldn’t stop there. They would mention their favorite host or one of those “driveway moments” where a story was so good you’d stay in your car until it finished.

 

It still happens, but often now the trajectory of the conversation is different. After the initial “I love NPR,” there’s a pause and a person will acknowledge, “I don’t listen as much as I used to.” Or, with some chagrin: “What’s happening there? Why is NPR telling me what to think?”

 

In recent years I’ve struggled to answer that question. Concerned by the lack of viewpoint diversity, I looked at voter registration for our newsroom. In D.C., where NPR is headquartered and many of us live, I found 87 registered Democrats working in editorial positions and zero Republicans. None.

 

So on May 3, 2021, I presented the findings at an all-hands editorial staff meeting. When I suggested we had a diversity problem with a score of 87 Democrats and zero Republicans, the response wasn’t hostile. It was worse. It was met with profound indifference. I got a few messages from surprised, curious colleagues. But the messages were of the “oh wow, that’s weird” variety, as if the lopsided tally was a random anomaly rather than a critical failure of our diversity North Star.

 

In a follow-up email exchange, a top NPR news executive told me that she had been “skewered” for bringing up diversity of thought when she arrived at NPR. So, she said, “I want to be careful how we discuss this publicly.”

 

For years, I have been persistent. When I believe our coverage has gone off the rails, I have written regular emails to top news leaders, sometimes even having one-on-one sessions with them. On March 10, 2022, I wrote to a top news executive about the numerous times we described the controversial education bill in Florida as the “Don’t Say Gay” bill when it didn’t even use the word gay. I pushed to set the record straight, and wrote another time to ask why we keep using that word that many Hispanics hate—Latinx. On March 31, 2022, I was invited to a managers’ meeting to present my observations.

 

Throughout these exchanges, no one has ever trashed me. That’s not the NPR way. People are polite. But nothing changes. So I’ve become a visible wrong-thinker at a place I love. It’s uncomfortable, sometimes heartbreaking.

 

Even so, out of frustration, on November 6, 2022, I wrote to the captain of ship North Star—CEO John Lansing—about the lack of viewpoint diversity and asked if we could have a conversation about it. I got no response, so I followed up four days later. He said he would appreciate hearing my perspective and copied his assistant to set up a meeting. On December 15, the morning of the meeting, Lansing’s assistant wrote back to cancel our conversation because he was under the weather. She said he was looking forward to chatting and a new meeting invitation would be sent. But it never came.

 

I won’t speculate about why our meeting never happened. Being CEO of NPR is a demanding job with lots of constituents and headaches to deal with. But what’s indisputable is that no one in a C-suite or upper management position has chosen to deal with the lack of viewpoint diversity at NPR and how that affects our journalism.

 

Which is a shame. Because for all the emphasis on our North Star, NPR’s news audience in recent years has become less diverse, not more so. Back in 2011, our audience leaned a bit to the left but roughly reflected America politically; now, the audience is cramped into a smaller, progressive silo.

 

Despite all the resources we’d devoted to building up our news audience among blacks and Hispanics, the numbers have barely budged. In 2023, according to our demographic research, 6 percent of our news audience was black, far short of the overall U.S. adult population, which is 14.4 percent black. And Hispanics were only 7 percent, compared to the overall Hispanic adult population, around 19 percent. Our news audience doesn’t come close to reflecting America. It’s overwhelmingly white and progressive, and clustered around coastal cities and college towns.

 

These are perilous times for news organizations. Last year, NPR laid off or bought out 10 percent of its staff and canceled four podcasts following a slump in advertising revenue. Our radio audience is dwindling and our podcast downloads are down from 2020. The digital stories on our website rarely have national impact. They aren’t conversation starters. Our competitive advantage in audio—where for years NPR had no peer—is vanishing. There are plenty of informative and entertaining podcasts to choose from.

 

Even within our diminished audience, there’s evidence of trouble at the most basic level: trust.

 

In February, our audience insights team sent an email proudly announcing that we had a higher trustworthy score than CNN or The New York Times. But the research from Harris Poll is hardly reassuring. It found that “3-in-10 audience members familiar with NPR said they associate NPR with the characteristic ‘trustworthy.’ ” Only in a world where media credibility has completely imploded would a 3-in-10 trustworthy score be something to boast about.

 

With declining ratings, sorry levels of trust, and an audience that has become less diverse over time, the trajectory for NPR is not promising. Two paths seem clear. We can keep doing what we’re doing, hoping it will all work out. Or we could start over, with the basic building blocks of journalism. We could face up to where we’ve gone wrong. News organizations don’t go in for that kind of reckoning. But there’s a good reason for NPR to be the first: we’re the ones with the word public in our name.

 

Despite our missteps at NPR, defunding isn’t the answer. As the country becomes more fractured, there’s still a need for a public institution where stories are told and viewpoints exchanged in good faith. Defunding, as a rebuke from Congress, wouldn’t change the journalism at NPR. That needs to come from within.

 

A few weeks ago, NPR welcomed a new CEO, Katherine Maher, who’s been a leader in tech. She doesn’t have a news background, which could be an asset given where things stand. I’ll be rooting for her. It’s a tough job. Her first rule could be simple enough: don’t tell people how to think. It could even be the new North Star.

 

 

Uri Berliner is a senior business editor and reporter at NPR. His work has been recognized with a Peabody Award, a Loeb Award, an Edward R. Murrow Award, and a Society of Professional Journalists New America Award, among others. Follow him on X (formerly Twitter) @uberliner."

Monday, January 9, 2023

The Year in Exaggeration

Correcting the record on democracy’s death, nasty railroads, killer hurricanes, etc.

By Holman W. Jenkins, Jr.. Excerpts:

"Reverse hysteria helped to obscure another important story. Police killings of blacks, while gaining saturation coverage, actually are a smaller share of all black homicides than for other racial groups. That share likely got even smaller in 2022 for a horrifying reason: an increase in black homicides overall. One study found that while gun homicides of white males remained flat at roughly 3 per 100,000, they jumped an astonishing 60% for black males in the previous two years, to 56 per 100,000.

This phenomenon, apparently related to a crisis in black-police relations after the George Floyd murder, goes unmentioned by many for whom putatively “black lives matter.”

Joe Biden intervened in 2022 to prevent as disastrous rail strike not because railroads insist on denying their workers sick days. As USA Today almost alone pointed out, railroads actually were leaders in a national “trend toward giving employees a bank of paid days off, that can be used for any purpose,” so workers don’t have to “lie about or prove illness to take a sick day.”

Perhaps the most misleading moment was a front-page Washington Post story about a rail worker who cancelled a doctor’s appointment for an unspecified symptom and died of a heart attack an unspecified number of weeks later.

The Post didn’t explain whether the symptom was related to the heart attack, how many weeks had elapsed, whether the worker had a known condition, why he didn’t reschedule the appointment, why he didn’t use any of his contractual days off or replenishable “points” under a company system that allowed him to reject a work assignment on short notice for any reason."

"In a tweet thread, Patrick Brown, an atmospheric scientist at the climate-action-supporting Breakthrough Institute, wondered why, apart from increased rainfall, the news media “insist on a framing that misleads its audience into thinking we have experienced a dramatic change in hurricane frequency/intensity?”

Ollie Wing, a University of Bristol hydrologist, wondered in a tweet why the media publishes exaggerated flood maps to suggest centimeters of sea-level rise will result in meter-deep floods. The maps are based on so-called bare earth digital overlays that ignore natural and artificial flood barriers, including trees and other vegetation, which in any climate act to limit flooding.

Mr. Wing’s own recently published study indicates that expected increases in U.S. flooding losses in the next 30 years will be primarily due to increased development, not climate change.

The year that ended saw the expressions “existential” and “climate crisis” become conjoined twins in the press. Yet a reader searched in vain for any mention that a long-awaited report from the U.N. Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change reduced its estimated path of future emissions and also judged the climate to be less prone to worst-case warming than previously thought."

Thursday, December 20, 2018

In defense of McKinsey

One of America’s Most Valuable Exports: Business Consultants: The spread of managerial expertise in the last several decades has made the world a better place by Tyler Cowen. Excerpts:
"The latest institution to take a big whack from the media, with its well-known negative bias, is McKinsey & Co. A recent article in The New York Times shows how much the consulting company has worked for authoritarian and autocratic countries, including China, Saudi Arabia and Russia.

I would instead frame this story in a broader and far more positive reality: One of the biggest, most positive (and most neglected) global trends over the last 30 years has been the spread of managerial and technocratic expertise to what used to be called “third world governments.” In most countries, the central banks, the public health authorities, the treasuries and many other public-sector institutions now collect good data, hire Western-educated advisers, and try to implement good solutions."

"Although there is still a long way to go, this spread of technocracy has helped bring amazing increases in life expectancy and declines in child poverty, while making the world far wealthier and freer."

"To be sure, it is difficult to discern how much of these developments should be attributed to McKinsey, which after all is only one company. Still, these developments are what McKinsey stands for and has tried to accomplish, and any highlighting of the negative should be counterbalanced by this positive trend."

"That said, when I meet entrepreneurs in poorer parts of the world, I am often struck by the fact that they are highly intelligent and conscientious, but they don’t always understand all of the cultural codes of good management. Advice that might appear stupid or trivial to more experienced observers may actually help to build new cultures of business excellence and economic growth."

"In Saudi Arabia, McKinsey has worked on health care, education and development, and says 30 percent of its employees are women.

What about China? Isn’t it rounding up Uighurs into coercive reeducation camps? Yes, but I myself don’t wish to stop visiting China and spending my money there, or for that matter encouraging others to do the same. To provide a simple analogy: If this were the 19th century, and the U.S. was still rounding up, pushing out and killing Native Americans, or enslaving blacks, I would not boycott this country, either. Nor would I have wanted the Europeans (who had their own problems) to give up on America. China remains one of the world’s two most important countries, and the cliché that engagement is better than isolation remains true."

"If you are going to start pointing fingers, how about the American consumers whose spending leads to a yearly trade deficit with China worth about $500 billion? Surely that helps build the Chinese surveillance state far more than any McKinsey consulting contract."

Sunday, May 27, 2018

Morgan Spurlock, Make Of The Film "Super Size Me" May Have Had Serious Health Problems Before He Spent A Month Eathing Bic Macs

See A Big Mac Attack, or a False Alarm? Morgan Spurlock’s #MeToo confession casts doubt on his 2004 documentary by Phelim McAleer in The WSJ. Excerpt: 
"Fast-forward to December 2017, when Mr. Spurlock issued a #MeToo mea culpa titled “I Am Part of the Problem,” detailing a lifetime of sexual misdeeds. As a result, YouTube dropped its plans to screen his “Super Size Me” sequel, and other broadcasters cut ties. But overlooked in all this was a stunning admission that calls into question the veracity of the original “Super Size Me.”

After blaming his parents for his bad acts, Mr. Spurlock asked: “Is it because I’ve consistently been drinking since the age of 13? I haven’t been sober for more than a week in 30 years.”

Could this be why his liver looked like that of an alcoholic? Were those shakes symptoms of alcohol withdrawal? Mr. Spurlock’s 2017 confession contradicts what he said in his 2004 documentary. “Any alcohol use?” the doctor asks at the outset. “Now? None,” he replies. In explaining his experiment, he says: “I can only eat things that are for sale over the counter at McDonald’s—water included.”"

Sunday, June 12, 2016

The Left, Greece, and The Big Lie

From Scott Sumner at EconLog.
"Scott Alexander recently pointed to the appalling record of the left-leaning media on economic policy:
Venezuela is collapsing, with the New York Times describing it as "uncharted territory" for a semi-developed country to be so deep in economic disaster that its hospitals, schools, power plants, and basic services are simply shutting down. So it's a good time to reflect on the media's previous glowing Venezuela stories. In 2013, Salon praised "Hugo Chavez' Economic Miracle, saying that "[Chavez's] full-throated advocacy of socialism and redistributionism at once represented a fundamental critique of neoliberal economics, and also delivered some indisputably positive results" (h/t Ciphergoth). And the Guardian wrote that "Sorry, Venezuela Haters: This Economy Is Not The Greece Of Latin America. Prediction is hard, and I was willing to forgive eg the pundits who were wrong about the Trump nomination. But I am less willing to forgive here, because the thesis of these articles wasn't just that they were right, but that the only reason everyone else didn't admit they were right was neoliberalism and bad intentions. Psychologizing other people instead of arguing with them should take a really high burden of proof, and Salon and Guardian didn't meet it. Muggeridge, thou should be living at this hour...
That got me thinking about Greece. I wondered how the left had explained away the abysmal failure of statism in Greece. Back in 2008, when I did research on neoliberalism in developing countries, I found that Greece was the least neoliberal economy in the developed world, according to a variety of metrics. Note that at this time Greece was booming, so this was not a question of people who liked neoliberalism calling Greece statist just because they wanted to peg that tag on a failed system. Indeed I was surprised that Greece did so well until 2008, despite being so amazingly un-neoliberal. 
 
Of course we all know what happened next. The world discovered that the Greek boom was funded by unsustainable foreign borrowing, and that the Greek government lied about how much they had borrowed. When the huge debts were exposed, Greece had to sharply curtail its borrowing. Even worse, the eurozone crisis pushed Greek into recession. Greece is now widely seen as the worst economy in the developed world, with major structural problems.

So I wondered how the left would explain the failure of statism in Greece, and decided to google "Greece crisis neoliberalism" expecting to find lots of articles about how Greece needed to move in a more neoliberal direction, like the northern European economies, in order to recover from its statist nightmare. What I found was the exact opposite:

Screen Shot 2016-06-11 at 12.09.32 PM.png

Here's the link, as lack of space caused me to cut off the right margin.

Notice that we see the usual suspects, The Guardian and Salon. Indeed all of the links on the first Google page talk about Greece from an anti-neoliberal perspective.

To be clear, there are many countries that are a mix of free markets and statism, and hence there can be honest differences as to which characteristics are the most salient. But at the extremes, reasonable people should not disagree. There is no plausible argument that Hong Kong's success is in any way a success story for statism, and there is no plausible argument that Greece's failure has anything to do with neoliberalism. To suggest otherwise is to engage in The Big Lie. So what does this mean?

1. The neoliberal consensus of the 1990s is gone. Much of the left wing media has returned to its socialist roots.
2. The term 'neoliberalism' is now completely detached from any actual characteristics of an economic policy regime, and is just a sort of free floating insult tossed around by the left, attached to anything they don't like about the world. Perhaps they don't even realize that they are lying.
3. The left has split. Some of the moderates still reject socialism, and were critical of Bernie Sander's unrealistic proposals. However the fastest growth is occurring on the far left fringes, where the policies of Sanders, Corbyn and Chavez are defended.

4. There is a similar split on the right, with the more extreme supply-siders and gold bugs being out of touch with the mainstream. However no one on the right, AFAIK, supports policies as destructive as what occurred on Venezuela. On the right, the worst policy mistakes are typically associated with growing nationalism and racism, not dysfunctional economics."

Saturday, December 19, 2015

"The Big Short" dwells mistakenly on an asset class that represented just 2% of bank assets and whose role in the global crisis has been grossly distorted

See ‘Big Short,’ Big Hooey Forget mortgages. A change of accounting rules could have avoided the crisis by Holman W. Jenkins, Jr. of the WSJ. Excerpt:
"Widely lauded for many virtues, especially comedic, the film nevertheless dwells mistakenly on an asset class that represented just 2% of bank assets and whose role in the global crisis has been grossly distorted. These highly rated securities were manufactured out of lower-rated, or subprime, mortgages. They got their triple-A rating because bond insurers and lower-rated security holders agreed to absorb the first losses. And, of course, even so, defaulted mortgages don’t become worthless—they default to the value of the repossessed house.

So how “toxic” were these securities? Well after the worst of the meltdown, Washington’s own Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission noted that “most of the triple-A tranches . . . have avoided actual losses in cash flow through 2010 and may avoid significant realized losses going forward.”

"Or as this column pointed out at the very start of the subprime crisis in 2007, the “fluctuations in the S&P 500 wipe out as much wealth every ho-hum day.”

The “big shorts” paid millions to Goldman Sachs and others to concoct convoluted contracts that let them bet against these securities, and to find banks to take the opposing, or “long,” bet. (The irony being that, in this way, the movie heroes actually supported the manufacture of more subprime housing loans.) If they had really seen what was coming, our heroes would have saved themselves a lot of trouble and expense and simply shorted the big banks and the entire stock market—a bet that any day trader can make from the comfort of his bathrobe.

Far from being the lonely seers their fans imagine, the big shorts benefited from seeing the words “housing bubble” 425 times in The Wall Street Journal and the New York Times in the seven years leading to the crash. In 2004, the FBI warned of an “epidemic” of mortgage fraud.

Even John Paulson, the biggest short of all, according to later court testimony by a top deputy, didn’t foresee Armageddon, only that the “housing market had appreciated excessively and that housing prices would stabilize or flatten out or decline.”

The truth is a lot more interesting. The global crisis was a manufactured event—manufactured out of radical uncertainty about how government would treat the biggest banks, 2% of whose assets consisted of suddenly illiquid but not worthless mortgage securities. That may seem a mouthful, but Vince Reinhart, who had just retired as a top Fed official, stated matters plainly when he said the whole game had become “predicting government intentions.” 

What’s more, this colossal snafu was telegraphed a long way off. Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson, in late 2007, had tried to round up private funding for a Super SIV (structured investment vehicle) to relieve banks of these securities and any accounting markdowns. Had he succeeded, or had the government simply waived its own rules to let banks hold these securities on their books at non-firesale values, the crisis would have been avoided.

Understand what we’re saying: The government saw early on how its regulatory machinery had become a trap for itself and the banks but couldn’t act fast enough, coherently enough, and apolitically enough to forestall unintended consequences. Yet at another level, as we’ve pointed out many times, confidence actually held up pretty well. Whatever the uncertain outcome for bank shareholders and wholesale creditors, the public showed strong faith that Washington, having learned from the 1930s, would uphold the solvency of the banking system for depositors."

Wednesday, September 7, 2011

Economic lessons in children’s books lean left of center.

See Fairies, Witches and Supply and Demand by By MOTOKO RICH, NY Times, 8-20-11. Excerpts:
"Earlier this year, I picked up “The Saturdays,” by Elizabeth Enright, to read to my 7-year-old daughter. The novel, originally published in 1941, is about a family of four children being raised by their father and housekeeper.

I was struck by the chapter where Rush, one of the children, stops to watch a large snow-blower at work on a Manhattan street. A crowd gathers, and an old man grumbles that “hundreds of fellas” used to shovel the snow. “Nowadays they do it all by machinery. Ain’t no work for nobody.”

Aha! Capital vs. labor. And in “The Pushcart War,” by Jean Merrill, tenacious pushcart vendors battle a trio of trucking companies who band together to try to put the pushcarts out of business, leveraging cozy relationships with the mayor. Can you say cartel?

According to John Conant, director of the Center for Economic Education at Indiana State University, children’s books provide ripe material because literature deals with everyday life — a terrain shared with economics. Mr. Conant tries to help teachers tease out economic lessons from the books they regularly use in class.

One of the most common themes in books for young people reflects parents’ fears that their children will become “bad” consumers, said Marah Gubar, director of the children’s literature program at the University of Pittsburgh.

That often means rampant consumers are cast as villains, or at least losers."

"“In children’s literature,” she said, “there is often this offensive classism whereby the poor are virtuous and the rich are evil.”"

"Sometimes, economists think that children’s books get things wrong. Dr. Seuss’s “The Lorax,” about the destruction of a forest by a greedy industrialist, “assumes that there is no economic system in place,” Mr. Conant said. In a modern capitalist economy, he said, the trees “would get very valuable as they got scarce, and the person with the property rights would harvest them at an economically reasonable rate.”

By and large, the economic lessons in children’s books lean left of center. “I think the writers are not particularly sympathetic to or don’t understand how a market works,” said Gary S. Becker, the Nobel laureate who teaches economics at the University of Chicago. “It’s not easy to convey that to a child. It’s not always easy to convey it to grown-ups.""

Tuesday, July 5, 2011

Media Favors Greek Protestors Over Tea Partiers

See To Many in the Media, A “Peaceful” Protester Must Support Big Government by Hans Bader of the Competitive Enterprise Institute Blog.
"A lot of blood has been spilled in protests against Greece’s rollback of its incredibly generous welfare state, yet the media routinely refer to those protesters as “largely peaceful,” notes A. Barton Hinkle of the Richmond Times-Dispatch. The media’s indulgent treatment of these big-government supporters, which occasionally hints that violence by the protesters is understandable in light of Greek austerity measures, contrasts sharply with its unrelentingly negative depiction of Tea Party protesters, who have yet to kill anyone or burn down any buildings, but who aroused media ire by opposing the 2010 health care law, which they perceived as a government takeover of the health care system.

Rioting protesters in Greece killed three bank employees in their rage over possible budget cuts. “The protesting civil servant workers trapped the bank employees in a burning building.”

But as Hinkle notes,
According to one story in The Wall Street Journal, the demonstrations “began peacefully.” According to another, last week Constitution Square in Athens “seethed with indignant, but peaceful, demonstrators.”

“The day began noisily but peacefully,” intoned The New York Times on Wednesday. The Washington Post likewise observed that “a peaceful protest . . . quickly degenerated into violence.” Reuters reported that, regardless of “clashes between stone-throwing masked youths and riot police . . . thousands of peaceful protesters demonstrated against the austerity plan.”

Sure, blood was spilled. But don’t blame the protesters. As the Journal reported, it was Greece’s parliament that approved a “widely hated austerity package” despite “the best efforts of peaceful grass-roots activists, megaphone-touting [sic] labor unionists, and stone-throwing anarchists.”

This is a sharp contrast from how, say, Tea Party protests against the passage of ObamaCare were treated.

The D.C. protests in March of last year were nonviolent affairs, without a single arrest despite one disputed episode in which someone allegedly hurled a racial slur at Rep. John Lewis and spat on Rep. Emanuel Cleaver. (No independent report could verify the allegations.) But that didn’t stop ABC’s David Muir from reporting that “shouted words turned very ugly,” and reporting on “late word from Washington tonight about just how ugly the crowds gathered outside the Longworth office building have become.”

Last April, a New York Times news story tsk-tsked “the pitched attacks by some Republicans and conservatives during the health care fight,” which “have drawn criticism as incendiary.” (“Tea Party Supporters Doing Fine, But Angry Nonetheless,” the paper noted in yet another fair and balanced look at the movement.) “Protesters at some town hall meetings have drowned out congresspeople and caused unrest and even violence,” reported CBS. Were the town halls “mostly peaceful”? Didn’t they “begin peacefully”? Sure—but CBS didn’t say so. Wonder how come.

Allegations of violent tendencies continue to dog the tea party despite the fact that it is, like its liberal analogs, “mostly peaceful.” “Tea Party Getting Violent?” asked CBS News last March. To the Christian Science Monitor, a Boston tea party event (no arrests there either) was made up of “an angry white mob.” At a Tea Party event in Nevada, Time magazine lamented the presence of (brace yourself) “ugly signs.”

Hey, what happened to “indignant but peaceful”?

It’s obvious what happened: big-government bias. To much of the establishment media, a preference for limited government is a dangerous idea. Ergo, its supporters must be dangerous, too. But liberals don’t find a preference for big government threatening, so they view its supporters as non-threatening as well.

Nanoseconds after Jared Loughner went on his shooting rampage in Arizona in January, huge numbers of opinionators in the media knew just whom to blame: Sarah Palin, leaders of the Tea Party movement, and, by implication, anyone who thinks the government spends too much. As it turned out, Loughner—a schizophrenic declared incompetent to stand trial—was motivated by none of the above. Oops!

To many left-leaning newspapers and TV anchors, “incivility” and “violence” are things only a believer in shrinking the government could be guilty of — not supporters of big government. After the Tucson shootings, the liberal media enlisted intemperate left-wingers to lecture conservatives on the need for them to be more “civil” — even if those these intemperate left-wingers themselves had a history of advocating or inspiring violence. Al Sharpton preached about the “dangers of inflammatory rhetoric” in The Washington Post, despite his own past history of helping incite a deadly race riot, and a court judgment against him for defamation in the Tawana Brawley hate-crime hoax. Meanwhile, former Congressman Paul Kanjorski (D) lectured about the need for “civility” in the Times, despite his earlier statement that Florida Governor Rick Scott (R) should be shot. No one at these liberal newspapers regarded these men as morally unfit to deliver such a message. To them, only a limited-government type can truly be “uncivil.”

Right after the Tucson shootings, left-wingers such as Paul Krugman and The New York Times Editorial Board lectured America, and particularly conservatives, on the need for more “civility,” claiming that the shootings were the outgrowth of a conservative “climate of hate” aimed at groups like “welfare recipients, or bureaucrats.” (Even though there was no evidence that the shooter was influenced by any uncivil political rhetoric; and the shooter was not a conservative.)

Sunday, June 5, 2011

David Boaz Explains The Problems With PBS

See Why PBS is a public menace.
"PBS recently added 15- to 30-second "sponsorship" messages to online pre sentations of major programs -- everything from "Masterpiece" to "Frontline" (but not children's programs). This fall, it intends to start interrupting its broadcasts with promotional spots, although in response to criticism it says it may test the idea first.

PBS calls these interruptions "program breaks" or "sponsorship announcements," but on other channels they're called commercials. So: What, in a world of hundreds of radio and TV channels, is so special about PBS and NPR that they should get $420 million a year of taxpayers' money?

When I was a boy growing up in western Kentucky, with three TV networks, it was understandable that people thought an "educational" network would add something important. But my brother's kids in that same little town later had access to hundreds of cable stations.

PBS used to ask, "If not PBS, then who?" The answer now is: HBO, Bravo, Discovery, History, History International, Science, Planet Green, Sundance, Military, C-SPAN 1/2/3 and many more.

Defending its decision to include ads online, PBS says that it has more than 1,000 hours of online video, which "dwarfs anything anyone else has done." Hardly.

C-SPAN has more than 160,000 hours of video online. The Cato Institute has more than 2,000.

Yes, I listen to NPR every morning, I watched every minute of "Downton Abbey" and "South Riding" this spring -- and I wrote rave reviews of the PBS documentaries "Stonewall Uprising" and "Freedom Riders." I just don't think my own cultural tastes deserve taxpayer support. I pay for HBO and Showtime; I put up with ads on CNN and Fox; I'm sure PBS could manage the same way.

Defenders of the tax-funded broadcast networks often point out that only about 15 percent of their funding comes from the federal government. Good -- they can absorb the loss.

In 2003, NPR told potential advertisers that "compared with the general public, NPR listeners are 55 percent less likely to have a household income below $30,000 . . . 152 percent more likely to have a home valued at $500,000 or more and 194 percent more likely to travel to France." And PBS viewers were 98 percent more likely to be a CEO and 315 percent more likely to have stocks valued at $75,000 or more.

Sponsors know this. The most prominent of the new online advertisers is Goldman Sachs, which knows where to find a wealthy and influential audience.

So why should working- and middle-class taxpayers be subsidizing the news and entertainment of the rich?

The main point here isn't the money, it's the separation of news and state. If anything should be kept separate from government and politics, it's the news and public-affairs programming that informs Americans about government and its policies. When government brings us the news -- with all the inevitable bias and spin -- it is putting its thumb on the scales of democracy.

A healthy democracy needs a free and diverse press -- but Americans today have access to more sources of news and opinion than ever before: more broadcast networks than before, cable networks, satellite TV and radio, the Internet. Any diversity argument for NPR and PBS is now a sad joke.

We don't need a government news and opinion network. More important, we shouldn't require taxpayers to pay for broadcasting that will inevitably reflect a particular perspective on politics and culture. The marketplace of democracy should be a free market, in which the voices of citizens are heard, with no unfair advantage granted by government to one participant.

David Boaz, executive VP of the Cato Insti tute, is author of "Libertarianism: A Primer."

Thursday, April 28, 2011

Bias At The New York Times

See Being The New York Times: the Political Behaviour of a Newspaper. Research by Riccardo Puglisi, University of Pavia.

"Abstract
I analyse a dataset of news from The New York Times, from 1946 to 1997. Controlling for the activity of the incumbent president and the U.S. Congress across issues, I find that during a presidential campaign, The New York Times gives more emphasis to topics on which the Democratic party is perceived as more competent (civil rights, health care, labor and social welfare) when the incumbent president is a Republican. This is consistent with the hypothesis that The New York Times has a Democratic partisanship, with some “anti-incumbent” aspects, in that—during a presidential campaign—it gives more emphasis to issues over which the (Republican) incumbent is weak. To the extent that the interest of readers across issues is not systematically related with the political affiliation of the incumbent president and the election cycle, the observed changes in news coverage are consistent with The New York Times departing from demand-driven news coverage. In fact, I show that these findings are robust to controlling for Gallup data on the most important problem facing the country, which I use as a proxy for issue tastes of Times’ readers.

Submitted: May 20, 2008 · Accepted: March 2, 2011 · Published: April 11, 2011

Recommended Citation
Puglisi, Riccardo (2011) "Being The New York Times: the Political Behaviour of a Newspaper," The B.E. Journal of Economic Analysis & Policy: Vol. 11: Iss. 1 (Contributions), Article 20.
DOI: 10.2202/1935-1682.2025
Available at: http://www.bepress.com/bejeap/vol11/iss1/art20"

Thursday, March 31, 2011

The Minimum Wage, The New York Times, And Liberal Media Bias

The NY Times had an editorial on Sunday supporting an increase. See A Minimum Wage Increase.

The bias comes in where they only cite studies that agree with them (other studies are mentioned below). And then they say

"Despite evidence to the contrary, businesses and Republicans may keep pushing against the minimum wage — using the jobs crisis now to clinch their argument. They should be disregarded, because their argument is wrong and the United States is too rich to tolerate such an underclass."

See, all those other people are wrong! So disregard them! Don't pay any attention to them! That is clearly bias when you say only your opinion matters.

Now here is some other evidence:

"... research shows that in the long run the adverse effects of a higher minimum wage are quite substantial." (page 84, The Economics of Public Issues, 13e, by Roger LeRoy Miller, Daniel K. Benjamin, and Douglass C. North).

"In a new report, economists David Neumark of the University of California at Irvine and William Wascher of the Federal Reserve Board say a review of more than 90 studies in more than 15 countries since the early 1990s shows nearly two-thirds of the studies find a "consistent" though not always statistically significant negative impact on employment. Fewer than 10 found a consistently positive impact. While there's "no consensus," they say, "the weight of empirical evidence" supports the traditional view." (The Wall Street Journal, p. A4, Nov. 3, 2006)

From Greg Mankiw's blog:
"Economists Richard Burkhauser (Cornell University) and Joseph Sabia (University of Georgia) report: a beneficiary from a proposed federal minimum wage hike to $7.25 an hour is far more likely to be in a family earning more than three times the poverty line than in a poor family. In total, only 12.7 percent of the benefits from a federal minimum wage increase to $7.25 an hour would go to poor families. In contrast, 63 percent of benefits would go to families earning more than twice the poverty line and 42 percent would go to families earning more than three times the poverty line."