Monday, August 24, 2026

1 in 5 Americans Still Need Government Permission To Work

Occupational licensing raises costs and limits mobility without improving safety.

By J.D. Tuccille of Reason

"Last week, an article in Governing noted that despite years of reform efforts, roughly one in five jobs in the United States requires government permission in the form of occupational licensing. In a world that is more potentially mobile and flexible than ever, licensing requirements can keep people fixed in place or pose high barriers to entering new trades and professions. The Archbridge Institute's 2026 State Occupational Licensing Index reveals which states are most burdensome, and which make it relatively easy to earn a living.

22 Percent of Americans Need Licenses To Work

"Too often, the occupational licensure laws on the books do not reflect the world we actually live in," Alanna Wilson cautioned in Governing. "American workers wishing to launch a career, build their own business or re-enter the workforce in one of 102 lower-income occupations must on average give up nearly a year to education and on-the-job training, pass at least one exam and pay nearly $300 in fees."

No Rhyme or Reason to Licensing Requirements

According to Archbridge's report, the five most burdensome states in the union are Oregon, Texas, Tennessee, Arkansas, and New Jersey. The five states that put the fewest bureaucratic hurdles in the way of work are Missouri, Kansas, New York, Indiana, and Colorado.

As the report points out, medical doctors are licensed in every state. Nail technicians, for unclear reasons, also need licenses in every state. Most regulated jobs, like the electricians and nutritionists mentioned above, are licensed in some states but not others. Master gas fitters face barriers of some kind in 44 states, including licensing requirements in 11. Dental radiographers face similar burdens in 33 states. Security guards are licensed in half of states, as are fuel piping contractors. Medical assistants and animal breeders are licensed in 10 states. Mold remediation workers need licenses only in Texas.

In other words, while some heavily regulated jobs arguably pose safety concerns, others that might raise similar issues are intermittently licensed. That offers an opportunity to assess whether licensing offers benefits.


'Occupational Licensing Does Not Improve Public Health'

"A broad ideological spectrum of analysts and economists mostly agrees—occupational licensing does not improve public health in any scientifically rigorous or statistically significant manner," Spence Purnell, then of the Reason Foundation, which publishes Reason, wrote in 2018. He added that a study of dental hygienists found "the stricter the licensing requirements, the poorer the health outcomes. The study found this is because the more stringent regulations led to higher prices, which led to low income-earners foregoing routine dental work, which eventually led to more oral diseases, more pain and more costs to the patients."

Rather than safety worries, the 2025 Minneapolis Fed report observed that state licensing requirements seem driven by the policies of neighboring states, lobbying by professional associations for barriers to entry, and competition for jobs from immigrants. "Licensing disproportionately reduces employment of foreign-born workers," researchers found.

Instead of benefits, licensing requirements raise costs to consumers by limiting competition: "Shifting an occupation from unlicensed to licensed reduces employment in the licensed occupation by 29 percent," according to Chris Edwards of the Cato Institute. "Such barriers also discourage hiring across state lines, and thus limit workers' interstate mobility."

While, as the Minneapolis Fed cautioned, eliminating licensing requirements is very rare, states have moved to recognize other states' licenses. "As of 2026, 28 states have adopted some form of universal licensing recognition—the same as last year," according to Archbridge. "Universal" recognition isn't always universal—some states specify that the licenses they recognize be subject to "substantially similar" rules as those issued locally, while others recognize only the licenses of state residents. But 11 states earn Archbridge's gold medal for universally recognizing occupational licenses without restrictions.

Universal license recognition isn't an entirely satisfactory substitute for eliminating requirements that people get government permission to work.

But eliminating licensing would be a difficult ask of lawmakers who sold the public on the idea that pointless and expensive burdens improve public safety. In that sense, universal recognition is a positive reform to regulations that hurdles in the way of jobs of prosperity."

Sunday, August 23, 2026

Wealth Tax 2.0

By John H. Cochrane. Excerpts:

"If you invest an extra dollar today, how much extra do you get in a year? A 5% wealth tax drags down the rate of return by 5 percentage points. If you earn 10% on your investments, but then pay a 5% wealth tax, you only get a 5% after-tax rate of return. Starting from a 10% return, a 5% wealth tax is the same as a 50% tax on interest, dividends, and capital gains."

"The wealth tax applies on top of corporate taxes, property taxes, and taxes on dividends, interest, and capital gains. Inflation acts as another wealth tax, running 3% a year now. My guesstimate is that the government takes all the return and more."

"Should they (billionaires)  bet the farm on a new venture, investing time and effort as well as their money? Should young Elon Musk take his $175 million PayPal payout and retire on it, or plow it all into electric cars and rockets? We often think of saving vs. consumption here, but I think we underestimate the disincentive to take risk and invest effort that comes from progressive taxation. If the government taxes away the upside to investing, people take less risk." 

"Billionaires do not have a pot of gold that can be costlessly handed out. Billionaires’ wealth stays re-invested in companies. Redirecting their wealth to social spending lowers national investment and raises national consumption, dollar for dollar. That’s not even hidden; it’s the point. But less investment mechanically means less capital for the future, fewer businesses, less productivity, lower wages."

"less investment also drives up interest rates as people with profitable ventures look for investors. Companies could finance investment with foreign money, but that raises the trade deficit"

"Structuring businesses to avoid taxes rather than generate profit might be the most insidious effect of high taxation."

"We have a wealth tax, the estate tax. It tries to charge 40% of wealth once in a generation, or about 1% a year. (You pay double if you pass it to grandkids, so really about once every 30 years.) The estate tax attracts a beehive of perfectly legal avoidance. (Avoidance, not evasion. “Tough enforcement” and audits do nothing here.) Though the estate tax applies above a lowly $11 million, the CBO reports that it yields only $18 billion, or 0.1 percent of GDP. A recent study—by wealth tax backers—reports that the estate tax collects only three to four hundredths of a percent (0.03%–0.04%) annually of the Forbes 400 wealth, not 1% or so."

[the bill] includes “a $3,000 direct payment to every man, woman and child living in a household making $150,000 or less.” $1.1 trillion for Medicaid and Obamacare subsidies. Free dental, vision and hearing. $856 billion of government-provided homes to “abolish homelessness.” A childcare entitlement. A minimum salary for teachers. And so on. This is proudly a bill to turn investment into consumption."

"Free market wealth did not install Putin, nor did it create US crony capitalism under the regulatory state."

"What’s the right question? There is only one question — long run growth. Redistributing Rockefeller’s wealth would not have made your family better off. We’re all immensely better off because of long-run growth. Even if your concern is entirely at the lower end of the economic spectrum, long-run growth is the question. Ask of any policy, what does this do to long-run growth? For the wealth tax, not much!"  

Saturday, August 22, 2026

Did UBI make people happier? (only in the short run)

From Tyler Cowen.

"Eh, only in the short run:

We study the causal impacts of income on a rich array of employment outcomes, leveraging an experiment in which 1,000 low-income individuals were randomized into receiving $1,000 per month unconditionally for three years, with a control group of 2,000 participants receiving $50/month. We gather detailed survey data, administrative records, and data from a mobile phone app. The transfer caused total individual income excluding the transfers to fall by about $1,900/year relative to the control group and a 4.2 percentage point decrease in labor market participation. Participants reduced their work hours as a result of the transfers by 1-2 hours/week and participants’ partners reduced their work hours by a comparable amount. Among other categories of time use, the greatest increase generated by the transfer was in time spent on leisure. Despite asking detailed questions about amenities, we find no impact on quality of employment, and our confidence intervals can rule out even small improvements. Treated participants broadly increase expenditures, led by spending on non-durable goods and services, with smaller increases in spending on durable goods and human capital. We observe no significant effects on degree attainment, though the magnitudes of the estimated effects generally appear larger among younger participants. Measures of subjective well-being are higher among treated participants in the first year of the transfers but then revert to control group levels. Overall, our results suggest a moderate labor supply effect that does not appear offset by other productive activities.

That is from the QJE by , and  Via Matt Yglesias."

Friday, August 21, 2026

What Slaughtered Pigs Can Teach Us About Europe’s Wine Policy

There’s a senselessness to Europe’s attempt to manage wine supply and dictate prices that echoes the New Deal’s effort to alleviate poverty by destroying millions of pigs.

By Jon Miltimore

"In the spring of 1933, American farmers pleaded for help from their newly elected president, Franklin Roosevelt. Hog prices were at record lows, and the farmers wanted the government to do something.

Not one to let a crisis go to waste, FDR took action. Agriculture Secretary Henry Wallace was tasked with arranging the slaughter of millions of pigs in an effort to raise hog prices. Farmers who participated in the federal government’s hog program — later dubbed by economists “the porcine slaughter of the innocents” — were compensated. Their animals were turned into “inedible meat and bone meal,” courtesy of US taxpayers, even as hunger in America hit record highs

A country destroying its own food during a depression might sound like economic madness, and it is — but we are once again watching governments ramp up policies that pay farmers to destroy food.

It’s no secret that European vineyards have been disappearing for years. The trend is starkest in Pyrénées-Orientales in southern France: that region “lost nearly half its vines” between 2000 and 2020, The Economist recently reported. Limited access to water and rising energy costs played a role. But vineyards have vanished with increasing speed in recent years, thanks to government policies. 

In 2024, the French government revived a familiar tactic: paying farmers to rip out their vines. Under this national program, farmers can receive roughly €4,000 (about $4,600) for every hectare they remove. If lawmakers aimed to see the country produce less wine and hasten the disappearance of vineyards, that’s what they got.

France typically produces well over 40 million hectoliters of wine annually, but in 2025 it produced just 36 million, according to the French Ministry of Agriculture. Meanwhile, growers in the Languedoc-Roussillon region saw a surge in vines removed last year — roughly 15,000 hectares, an area approaching the size of Washington, D.C., according to The Economist.

Many might assume climate concerns drove France’s policy, but the primary reason resembles the catalyst for FDR’s “porcine slaughter of the innocents”: oversupply.

Global trends show fewer people drinking alcohol, especially Gen Z. Wine has taken a particularly hard hit, even in France, where red wine consumption recently reached an all-time low. French lawmakers say their policy is designed to “rescue” the wine industry from what the ministry described as excessive output.

To the average person, paying vineyard owners to destroy their vines likely looks crazy — but in Europe, it’s business as usual.

For years, the European Union has attempted to micromanage wine production through various incentives, including direct payments to farmers to remove vines. A European Parliament report found that the EU’s 2008 wine reform set an aggressive target: removal of 175,000 hectares with commitments to not replant. (Actual removal totaled 160,550 hectares.)

Now it appears Brussels is intent on ramping up its policy. The EU’s most recent Wine Package will, among other measures, make it easier for countries to make direct payments to farmers to destroy their vines.

“…new rules on State aid would allow Member States to use national financing not only for distillation of surplus wine,” the package reads, “but also for green harvesting (the total destruction or removal of grapes while still in their immature stage) and grubbing up (complete elimination of all vine stocks) of vineyards.”

There’s a certain irony in the policy. 

For decades, the EU subsidized wine production, resulting in surplusses critics dubbed “wine lakes.” Now Brussels wants to ratchet up efforts to rip out vines — to curb the very surplus that bureaucrats helped create.

There’s a senselessness to Europe’s approach that matches New Deal efforts to alleviate poverty by destroying millions of pigs. At least some New Dealers eventually learned their interventionist policies were failing.

“We are spending more money than we have ever spent before and it does not work,” United States Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau Jr. admitted to Congress in 1939. “I want to see this country prosperous. I want to see people get a job, I want to see people get enough to eat. We have never made good on our promises.”

Morgenthau learned the hard way that trying to engineer a market economy from Washington — through spending, controls, and heavy-handed intervention — produced results far different from those promised. 

We can only hope lawmakers in Europe eventually learn the same lesson. 

Markets aren’t perfect, but they aggregate information from millions of buyers and sellers far better than bureaucrats, who can’t seem to decide whether to subsidize vineyards to boost production or destroy them to raise prices.

These contradictions will do long-term harm to vineyards. That’s a shame. A world with less wine is a less happy world."

Thursday, August 20, 2026

A Reality Check on the Inequality Panic

Calls for wealth redistribution rest on a faulty premise about inequality

By Chelsea Follett of Cato

"Summary: Widespread claims of rapidly worsening global inequality are unsupported by the evidence. Long-term data show significant declines in inequality across income, health, education, and other important metrics, largely driven by rising prosperity in poorer countries. Popular policy proposals to address inequality, such as wealth taxes and expanded foreign aid, are misguided and dangerous. Policies that sustain economic growth and market stability are better guarantors of progress.


Anthropic CEO Dario Amodei called for far higher taxation in a recent blog entry, arguing that current wealth concentration is higher than that of the Gilded Age and is about to get worse globally. The chart-topping singer Billie Eilish implored billionaires to give away their money, while New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani has gone further, opining, “I don’t think we should have billionaires” because we live in “a moment of such inequality.” If anything is having a moment, it is the conviction that inequality has grown urgent enough to justify a muscular policy response.

But the facts don’t support this. Not only has global income inequality fallen over the long run — contrary to the popular narrative — but inequality has also declined in education, health, and a host of other areas. The world is now more equal across a range of factors, from lifespan and childhood survival to internet access and schooling. The more broadly one examines inequality, the more encouraging the data appear. It turns out that even the shock of COVID-19 failed to erase decades of progress toward a wealthier and more equal world.

Indeed, the data show a pronounced decline in global inequality over the past few decades, driven largely by rising prosperity in poorer countries. During the pandemic years of 2020 and 2021, progress slowed sharply. Some indicators stalled and a few modestly worsened. But the gains accumulated before the crisis were not undone.

In short, the damage to human well-being was more limited than many feared. 

Another recent analysis published in The Economist finds that global inequality in consumption spending is falling. In 2000, the richest 10% of humanity spent 40 times more than the poorest 50%. In 2025, they spent around 18 times more. Using data from World Data Lab, they find that the poorest 50% now out-consume the richest 1%, breaking from past trends.

Yet many think that only large-scale redistribution can stop runaway worldwide inequality. Figures as diverse as Amodei, Eilish, and Mamdani are far from alone in embracing this view. Over the past few years, calls for a worldwide wealth tax, a vast increase in foreign aid spending, and other unprecedented measures are gaining steam across academia, non-profits, the press, and international organizations like the United Nations

That conclusion is premature. Getting the facts straight is essential, because misunderstanding global inequality can push policymakers toward harmful solutions.

The record on foreign aid is far less encouraging than its advocates suggest: decades of evidence show that aid frequently fails to deliver sustained development and bears no reliable relationship to long-term economic growth. Worse, the fixation on ever larger aid flows often crowds out the harder work of domestic reform. In some cases, foreign aid has been shown to weaken political institutions, entrench bad governance, and slow the process of democratization.

Wealth taxes have their own problems, from high administrative costs and enforcement challenges to low revenue production and invasion of financial privacy. These problems help explain why so many of the countries that have implemented wealth taxes in the past — such as France, Germany, and Sweden— later abolished the tax. Perhaps the worst of all, by discouraging risk-taking, wealth taxes suppress investment and growth, effects that would be felt in both rich and poor countries and would likely prove especially damaging to development in the world’s poorest economies.

Recent work on multidimensional inequality suggests that the world has not been drifting toward ever greater gaps, but that the rich and the poor have been converging in material comfort. Calls for global wealth taxes or massive new aid programs often rest on the assumption that international trade and economic freedom have failed to deliver broadly shared gains. Yet the long-term evidence suggests the opposite.

The pandemic offers two lessons here: First, it highlights just how sensitive progress is to disruptions in markets. It depends on conditions that allow growth to occur and persist, including functioning markets and stable institutions. Many of the proposed policy solutions risk undermining that progress.

The second lesson is that while the pandemic represented a hurdle in the path of progress, the long-term trend toward lower global inequality is holding strong.

Alarmist narratives shape public opinion and encourage policymakers to pursue sweeping interventions that may do more harm than good. A clearer view of the data counsels caution rather than panic."

Wednesday, August 19, 2026

Did the Plaza Accord Cause Japan’s Lost Decades?

Paper from the IMF.  

"The rebalancing debate has sparked renewed interest in Japan’s experience since the 1980s. Some argue that this is a cautionary tale, exemplifying the dangers of reorienting economies through currency appreciation (People’s Daily, 2010). They claim that the appreciation of the yen after the Plaza Accord forced the authorities to introduce an offsetting macroeconomic stimulus, which then led to an extraordinary asset price boom followed by an extraordinarily painful bust. Japan was one of the world’s fastest-growing economies for three decades but has averaged only 1.1 percent real GDP growth since 1990, while prices have steadily declined. Consequently, the size of Japan’s economy today is about the same as in the early 1990s. The sequence of events is clear and striking. But there are reasons to doubt that it was truly inevitable, whether the Plaza Accord was really the direct cause of Japan’s “Lost Decades.” 

What Happened? 

The events began in September 1985, when delegates from the G5 countries met at the Plaza Hotel in New York, declared the U.S. dollar overvalued, and announced a plan to correct the situation.1 The essence of the plan was that the main current account surplus countries (Japan and Germany) would boost domestic demand and appreciate their currencies. In effect, this agreement marked a major change in policy regime: the Federal Reserve was signaling that after a long and successful fight against inflation, it was now prepared to ease policies, allow the dollar to decline, and focus more on growth. This signal was backed by coordinated currency market intervention and a steady reduction in U.S. short-term rates. Accordingly, it triggered an exceptionally large appreciation of the yen, amounting to 46 percent against the dollar and 30 percent in real effective terms by the end of 1986. (The deutsche mark appreciated similarly.) As a result, Japan’s export and GDP growth essentially halted in the first half of 1986. With the economy in recession and the exchange rate appreciating rapidly, the authorities were under considerable pressure to respond. They did so by introducing a sizable macroeconomic stimulus. Policy interest rates were reduced by about 3 percentage points, a stance that was sustained until 1989. A large fiscal package was introduced in 1987, even though a vigorous recovery had already started in the second half of 1986. By 1987, Japan’s output was booming, but so were credit growth and asset prices, with stock and urban land prices tripling from 1985 to 1989. Then, in January 1990, the stock price bubble burst. Share prices lost a third of their value within a year, and two decades of dismal economic performance followed (Figure 1.4.1). Today, nominal stock and land prices are back at their early 1980s levels, one- quarter to one-third of their previous peaks.

The critical question is whether this sequence was inevitable. In other words, did the appreciation force Japan to introduce a powerful stimulus to sustain growth, which then triggered a bubble, which caused the Lost Decades when it collapsed? Let’s consider each step in turn. 

Was Such a Large Stimulus Needed? 

Studies suggest that, in fact, the monetary policy easing may have been excessive. Estimates by Jinushi, Kuroki, and Miyao (2000) and Leigh (2010), among others, suggest that the policy rate was up to 4 percentage points too low during 1986–88 relative to an implicit Taylor rule based on the output and inflation outlook. Why, then, did the central bank sustain such a policy? A key reason is that current inflation remained reasonably well behaved, which led some economists to argue that soaring growth rates did not represent a cyclical boom but rather a “new era” of higher potential growth. This growth was particularly gratifying because it was led by domestic demand, a key commitment under Plaza. 

But IMF reports at the time suggest another factor was also at work. The authorities worried that higher interest rates would further strengthen the yen and feared that appreciation would eventually have serious effects on the economy. In the end, external demand did indeed diminish. But it did not collapse. Real exports continued to grow in the five years after Plaza, by an average of 2½ percent a year (half the rate of the previous five years), while the current account surplus diminished by a moderate 2 percentage points of GDP. (Similarly, Germany’s currency appreciation failed to derail its export or GDP expansion, even with a smaller monetary response.) Put another way, excessive stimulus was adopted in part because there was excessive concern about the impact of appreciation. 

Did the Stimulus Cause the Bubble? 

Although the monetary easing was certainly large, it is far from clear that it alone was responsible for the asset price bubble. Chapter 3 of the October 2009 World Economic Outlook and Posen (2003) have examined the link between monetary policy and asset price booms in advanced economies over the past 25 years. They conclude that policy easing is neither necessary nor sufficient to generate asset price booms and busts. In Japan’s case, two other elements seem to have played a large role. As Hoshi and Kashyap (2000) explain, financial deregulation in the 1970s and early 1980s allowed large firms to access capital markets instead of depending on bank financing, leading banks to lend instead to real estate developers and households seeking mortgages. As a result, bank credit to these two sectors grew by about 150 percent during 1985–90, roughly twice as fast as the 77 percent increase in overall bank credit to the private sector. Finally, because the dangers of real estate bubbles were not well understood in those years, the Japanese government did not deploy countervailing regulatory and fiscal policies until 1990. 

Did the Bubble’s Collapse Cause the Lost Decades? 

The aftermath of the bubble proved extraordinarily painful for Japan. But the collapse of a bubble does not inevitably have such powerful and long-lasting effects. What was special about Japan’s case? A key factor was the buildup of considerable leverage in the financial system, similar to what occurred in the United States before 2008. Tier 1 capital of Japanese banks in the 1980s was very low, much lower than elsewhere, as global standards (the Basel I accord) had not yet gone into effect. Moreover, much of the collateral for loans was in the form of real estate, whereas under the keiretsu system a significant portion of bank assets consisted of shares in other firms from the same group. So, when real estate and share prices collapsed, the banking system was badly damaged.

This underlying vulnerability was exacerbated by a slow policy response. The authorities delayed forcing banks to recognize the losses on their balance sheets and allowed them to continue lending to firms that had themselves become insolvent, a process Caballero, Hoshi, and Kashyap (2008) call “zombie lending.” This process continued into the early 2000s, stifling productivity growth and prolonging Japan’s slump. Why did the authorities not force faster restructuring? Possibly because restructuring would have required additional bank capital, which they were not in a position to provide in light of the strong political backlash after an initial injection of public capital in 1995. Consequently, the authorities exercised forbearance instead. 

The postbubble slump may also have been exacerbated by the macroeconomic policy response and adverse external shocks. Some argue that premature monetary tightening and the lack of a clear commitment to raising inflation led to unduly high real interest rates (Ito and Mishkin, 2006; Leigh, 2010). In addition, the tightening of fiscal policy in 1997 may have undercut the nascent 1995–96 recovery (Posen, 2003; Corbett and Ito, 2010). Finally, adverse external shocks played a role, including the 1997–98 Asian financial crisis. 

In sum, Japan’s experience shows that currency appreciation does not, in fact, inevitably lead to “lost decades.” The appreciation did not inevitably require such a large macroeconomic stimulus. The stimulus did not inevitably lead to the bubble. Nor did the bubble’s collapse inevitably lead to the Lost Decades. Instead, it was the particular combination of circumstances and choices that led to that result.

Lessons for Rebalancing Today 

Calibrating a policy response to exceptionally large appreciations and movements in asset prices remains an extraordinarily difficult task. But some pointers can be gleaned from Japan’s experience. The keys are to

• avoid an excessive macroeconomic response to currency appreciations; 
• use prudential policies to prevent vulnerabilities from building up, especially in the form of leverage; 
• address banking problems quickly if they do materialize; and 
• provide significant macroeconomic support when banking systems and economies come under stress.

An even broader lesson is that bubbles can prove dangerous. Accordingly, Japan has introduced a two- perspective framework for monetary policy, with one pillar focusing on price stability and the other looking out for financial imbalances such as asset price bubbles. 

But even as Japan’s experience offers lessons to countries considering rebalancing today, the direct parallels are limited. Most notably, circumstances in China today differ from those in Japan in the 1980s in ways that should help it avoid Japan’s disappointing outcomes (Figure 1.4.2). First, the leverage of households, corporations, and the government in China is lower now than it was in Japan before the bubble (N’Diaye, 2010), and the risk of excessive borrowing may thus be smaller. Second, as Chapter 4 of the April 2010 World Economic Outlook and Igan, Fabrizio, and Mody (2007) find, climbing the quality ladder helps offset the impact on growth of currency appreciation, and China has more room to climb the export quality ladder than Japan did. (At the same time, the impact on labor-intensive industries may be greater.) Third, Japan had a floating exchange rate regime in the 1980s, but China has a managed exchange rate supported by vast foreign currency reserves and strong restrictions on capital inflows. This difference in currency regimes should help China avoid the sharp appreciation observed in Japan. Most important, China should be able to reap the benefits of learning from Japan’s experience."

 

Tuesday, August 18, 2026

China's middle class is below the US poverty line

See 2026’s Counter Tweet of the Year? by Dan Mitchell.

"Regarding Chinese economic policy, I’m both a cheerleader and a critic.

On the positive side, I applaud how hundreds of millions of people in China have escaped poverty.

On the negative side, I complain that the economy is operating way below its potential.

Here are four points I shared earlier this year, and they summarize my view on what’s good and bad.

Before the final point, I probably should have added another sentence, saying something like “China is now a middle-income country instead of a poor country.”

For today’s column, I want to provide some data to highlight the need for more economic freedom in China – assuming, of course, the goal if for China to become rich.

And I’m going to share two charts posted on Twitter/X by @3RenChengHu. I don’t know this person, so I normally would be reluctant to share a stranger’s data, but I am very familiar with Our World in Data, a group from Oxford University with very reliable numbers (and you can access the data in today’s column by clicking here).

Here’s the first chart, which shows the percentage of the Chinese population that it poor based on various measures (ranging from less that $3 per day to less than $40 per day).

I added (in green) my rough guess that the average person in China is at $15 per day.

As you can see, the Chinese numbers have improved dramatically since 1981.

But could they be better? I think the answer is yes, emphatically yes.

In part, this is because of the research I’ve shared showing how Chinese people are rich everywhere but China.

But let’s also look at the second chart shared by @3RenChengHu.

It shows the same poverty data, but for the United States instead of China.

And I’ve added my two cents (in green, again) to note that only a very tiny share of Americans live on $15 per day.

I’m not sharing all this data to be jingoistic. Just as I think China has bad policies that are restricting growth, the same is true for the United States.

But the relative rankings do show that the U.S. is benefiting from more economic freedom, both today and through history.

For what it’s worth, I would like policy makers in both countries to look at these numbers and have them decide that more economic liberty is the recipe for making their respective nations richer.

But I’m also sharing this data because @3RenChengHu’s tweet was actually a counter tweet. As you can see, he was responding to a silly tweet from @TheDanteMunoz about the supposed superiority of socialism. 

At the risk of understatement, @3RenChengHu slammed @TheDanteMunoz to the canvas.

P.S. Other counter-tweet-of-the-year contestants can be viewed here, here, here, and here."