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Suffixing Industrial Policy with “2.0” Doesn’t Make It Credible
Donald J. Boudreaux.
"Industrial policy is back in fashion.
It’s unsurprising that many people on the political left
believe that the economy can be improved by putting large chunks of it
under the direction of politicians and their bureaucratic minions. The
political left deeply believes that the allocation of resources that
results when individuals invest their own money as entrepreneurs, and
spend their own money as consumers, is inferior to the allocation that
would be achieved if the state directs investment and, thereby,
necessarily also overrides many of the consumption decisions that would
be made in free markets.
Yet it’s jarring – and disappointing – to encounter a case for industrial policy in the opinion pages of the Wall Street Journal.
But there it is, offered up proudly by Sridhar Kota and Tom Mahoney.
Their labeling it “Industrial Policy 2.0” is a futile attempt to
distinguish it from any of the sorry entries on the long list of past
industrial-policy failures.
The very title of the piece – “Innovation Should Be Made in the U.S.A.”
– puts the economically informed reader on notice that the text of the
piece is likely to be economically uninformed. The warning is warranted.
And while the authors likely didn’t choose the title, it accurately
reflects the authors’ mistaken suggestion both that the U.S. is lagging
in innovativeness, and that innovation that originates within the U.S.
is necessarily better for Americans than is innovation that originates
elsewhere.
Fallacies Galore
Consider this startling claim: “Once manufacturing departs from a
country’s shores, engineering and production know-how leave as well, and
innovation ultimately follows. It’s become increasingly clear that
‘manufacture there’ now also means ‘innovate there.’”
First, manufacturing is not departing from America’s shores. Real manufacturing output in the U.S. is today near an all-time high. And this output would almost certainly be even higher
were it not for the Trump administration’s economic-nationalist
policies. Ironically, such policies are the very sort that Kota and
Mahoney – who explicitly criticize what they contemptuously call “the
outsourcing paradigm” – endorse as a means of boosting manufacturing in
the U.S.
Second, despite their insinuation that engineering and production
know-how are leaving the U.S., or are threatening to leave, the authors
present absolutely no evidence to back this insinuation – an insinuation
that is almost impossible to square with the reality that U.S.
manufacturing (it cannot these days be said too often) is today near an
all-time high.
Third and more fundamentally, when and to the extent that trade and
markets are free, Americans benefit from innovation no matter where it
occurs. Kota and Mahoney seem blind to the reality that if Lee in
Shanghai figures out how to produce steel at a lower cost, Americans who
are free to buy steel unimpeded on global markets reap the benefits of
the resulting lower price of steel no less than if this innovation were
done by Lou in Youngstown.
Fourth and even more fundamentally, the authors mistakenly write as if the amount of innovation is fixed.
Yes: if a foreign country attracts more investment to create
manufacturing plants it will likely also become the site of greater
innovation. This fact is so in part because an increased number of
factories that produce outputs for sale in competitive markets naturally
inspires people who work in those factories to creatively devise better
and more efficient uses of those factories. But greater innovation in
these cases also comes from a deeper source – namely, the improved
policy climate that itself heightened the attractiveness of putting
factories in those locations.
Countries that attract more investment typically are countries whose
public policies and private attitudes have become more favorable to
markets, including to the innovation which is the source of economic
growth. So it’s quite natural that as countries industrialize according
to market forces the peoples of those countries unleash more of their
innovative energies.
Importantly, this increased innovation abroad does not decrease
innovation here in the U.S. Innovation here is merely rechanneled into
different avenues.
Stop Dissing the Service Sector
One of these avenues is the service sector. This sector (although
you’d never guess it by reading Kota and Mahoney) has for a century now
been the single largest sector of the American economy. As the U.S.
manufacturing sector continues to shrink relative to the U.S. service
sector, a greater portion of American innovation occurs in the provision
of services. Yet Kota and Mahoney mistakenly write as though innovation
is driven exclusively by manufacturing and occurs exclusively in that
sector.
By the way, don’t suppose that innovation in manufacturing is somehow
better than innovation in services. Among the most spectacular
innovations since the end of World War II are Sam Walton’s, and later
Jeff Bezos’s, revolutionary improvements in retailing. Other innovations
in services are Fred Smith’s creation of affordable overnight package
delivery and Sergei Brin and Larry Page’s improvements in search
engines. And let’s not forget innovative services such as ride-sharing,
music streaming, and social media.
I can’t resist here giving a shout-out to one of my favorite
entrepreneurial service providers: Jiffy Lube. Oil-changing services
are, perhaps, not very high-tech, but they save me and millions of other
Americans enormous amounts of time. Surely some of this saved time is
spent being innovative.
Had the portion of resources and creative human energies Americans
devote to manufacturing not fallen over the past several decades, fewer –
and perhaps none of the above-listed – innovations in services would
have occurred. As a result, we Americans (and non-Americans) would have
been poorer.
A Fallacy Wrapped In a Contradiction
A smorgasbord of other fallacies, factual and logical, runs
throughout Kota and Mahoney’s case for industrial policy. I close,
however, by flagging this one sentence: “We have lost much of our
capacity to physically build what results from our world-leading
investments in research and development.”
It’s an erroneous factual claim wrapped in a contradiction.
The erroneous factual claim is the one about production capacity. In fact, U.S. industrial capacity is today at an all-time high.
And so we have not “lost much of our capacity to physically build.”
Also, if this assertion by Kota and Mahoney were correct, explaining why
American manufacturing output is now near an all-time high would be
challenging, to say the least.
The contradiction arises when the authors mention “our world-leading
investments in research and development.” Because our imports of
manufactured goods have steadily increased for decades, how can it be
that today we have “world-leading investments in research and
development” given the authors’ thesis that innovation dries up as we
Americans import ever-more of the manufactured goods that we use?
Conclusion
Any case for industrial policy reflects the economic and factual understanding of those who offer it. With their Wall Street Journal
essay, Kota and Mahoney join a long roster of economically and
factually uninformed individuals who’ve tried to make a cogent case for
industrial policy – individuals who, in every case, have failed."
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