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Will Obama Make Housing Affordable?
By Randal O'Toole of Cato.
"Property-rights and housing-affordability advocates were surprised and elated that the chair of President Obama’s Council of Economic Advisors, Jason Furman, gave a speech
blaming housing affordability problems on zoning and land-use
regulation. They shouldn’t be: while Furman is correct in general, he is
wrong about the details and the prescriptions he offers could make the
problems worse than ever.
There is no doubt, as Furman documents in his speech, that land-use
regulation is the cause of growing housing affordability problems. Yet
Furman fails to note the fact that these problems are only found in some
parts of the country. This is a crucial observation, and those who fail
to understand it are almost certain to misdiagnose the cause and
propose the wrong remedies.
Citing Jane Jacobs
(who was wrong at least as often as she was right), Forman blames
affordability problems on zoning that “limits density and mixed-use
development.” Such zoning is found in almost every city in the country
except Houston, yet most cities don’t have housing affordability
problems. Thus, such zoning alone cannot be the cause of rising rents
and home prices.
Based on this erroneous assumption, Furman endorses what he calls the administration’s agenda, which is its Affirmatively Furthering Fair Housing
program. Rather than making housing more affordable, this program is
aimed at ending racial segregation of middle-class suburbs by requiring
the construction of multifamily housing in suburbs that are not racially
balanced relative to their urban areas. It assumes that multifamily
housing is less costly (and thus more affordable to low-income
minorities) than single family, but that is only true because units are
smaller: on a dollar-per-square-foot basis, multifamily costs more than single family, especially for mid-rise and high-rise apartments. Multifamily also uses more energy per square foot than single family, which means heating bills will be higher.
In other words, the fundamental assumption of Affirmatively Furthering
Fair Housing is that it is “fair” to put low-income minorities in
cramped apartments with little privacy so long as those apartments are
in the same suburbs as single-family homes with large private yards
occupied by the middle class. It also assumes that the solution to
problems created by zoning is even more government interference in the
market, either through regulations mandating certain housing types or
subsidies to that housing (another part of the administration’s agenda).
It is worth noting further that nothing in the program would insure
that the people in those apartments are, in fact, racial minorities.
In any case, even when accompanied by housing subsidies, building
expensive apartments in middle-class suburbs does little or nothing to
make housing more affordable, mainly because even the most aggressive
subsidy programs will build too little housing
to have much of an effect on the market. This is especially true since
this prescription will be diluted by applying it as much to regions like
Dallas or Raleigh, which don’t have housing affordability problems but
may have suburbs that are not racially balanced, as to places with real
housing affordability issues such as the San Francisco Bay Area,
Seattle, and Boston.
Once we recognize that housing affordability is a crisis only in some
urban areas and not others, we have to ask what it is about those urban
areas that makes housing expensive. It is not zoning that limits
density or mixed-use, which is found almost everywhere; it is growth-management planning
that limits development at the urban fringe, which is found mainly in
coastal states (CA, FL, HI, MA, MD, OR, VA, WA, and most New England
states)–not coincidentally, the very places where housing affordability
is a major issue.
Without land-use regulation outside of the cities, all the city
zoning in the world won’t stop developers from meeting demands for
affordable high- or low-density housing outside city limits. On the
other hand, if growth management, whether through urban-growth
boundaries, urban-service boundaries, large-lot zoning, greenbelts, or
other means, limits expansion of the urban area, then housing will
become both more expensive and more volatile.
Personally, I would be willing to give up all city zoning restricting
density and mixed-use development provided we also give up all zoning
and land-use regulation outside of city limits. This will allow
developers to meet whatever demand there is for high-density housing as
well as for traditional suburbs. Neighborhoods could continue to protect
themselves from unwanted intrusions and nuisances using deed restrictions, as is done in much of Houston, one of the nation’s most affordable cities and urban areas.
One of the major points of my 2012 book, American Nightmare,
is that zoning was originally developed to keep not just racial
minorities but the working class in general out of middle-class
neighborhoods (a point more recently made in Sonia Hirt’s 2014 book, Zoned in the USA).
When that failed to work due to rising working-class incomes,
middle-class planners supplemented zoning with growth management. That
policy appears to be working as blacks and other working-class
populations are fleeing
many of the urban areas that have applied it, urban areas that
celebrate themselves as havens for the “creative class,” which is simply
another name for the middle class.
In short, Furman’s and the administration’s focus on zoning is wrong
and will fail to make housing more affordable. Instead, they should look
at growth management as the cause of housing affordability problems and
at eliminating such growth management as the solution."
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